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FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / The objective of this study was to analyze the influence of PRONAF - National Program of Strengthening of Familiar Agriculture on the agricultural pointers: production, planted area and productivity of subsistence farms benefited for the Program in the Ceara State, during the period of 1999 to 2005. The research applied tabulate and graphical analyses to study the behavior of the variables and used a model of regression on panel data. The results registered respectively that Ceara State is in the fourth and eighth national position in relation to the number of contracts and to the sum received from PRONAF. The most benefited subsistence farms by the Program were: cotton, rice, sugar cane, beans, cassava and corn. A comparison with others not benefited farms: banana, chestnut and mamona disclosed that despite the benefit, PRONAFâs benefited farms have got an inferior performance to the not benefited ones in relation to the analyzed agricultural pointers. The analysis of the relation between the sum of PRONAFâs financing and the agricultural pointers pointed that, for most of the farms, the Program had a negative effect, even a very small one, on the production, planted area and productivity. We concluded that PRONAFâs influence in the performance of the agricultural pointers of the subsistence farms is very small and negative in most cases. / O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar a influÃncia do PRONAF - Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar sobre os indicadores agrÃcolas: produÃÃo, Ãrea plantada e produtividade das lavouras de subsistÃncias beneficiadas pelo Programa no Estado do CearÃ, no perÃodo de 1999 a 2005. A pesquisa aplicou anÃlises tabular e grÃfica para estudar o comportamento das variÃveis e utilizou um modelo de regressÃo de dados em painel. Os resultados registraram que o Estado do Cearà encontra-se na quarta e oitava posiÃÃes em nÃvel nacional em relaÃÃo ao nÃmero de contratos e ao montante recebido do PRONAF, respectivamente. As lavouras de subsistÃncia mais beneficiadas pelo Programa foram: algodÃo, arroz, cana-de-aÃÃcar, feijÃo, mandioca e milho. Uma comparaÃÃo destas lavouras com outras nÃo beneficiadas: banana, castanha de caju e mamona revelou que apesar do financiamento, as lavouras beneficiadas pelo PRONAF obtiveram um desempenho inferior ao das nÃo beneficiadas em relaÃÃo aos indicadores agrÃcolas analisados. A anÃlise da relaÃÃo entre o montante de financiamento do PRONAF e os indicadores agrÃcolas apontou que para a maioria das lavouras o Programa teve um efeito negativo, embora muito pequeno, sobre a produÃÃo, Ãrea plantada e produtividade. Concluiu-se que a influÃncia do PRONAF no desempenho dos indicadores agrÃcolas das lavouras de subsistÃncia à muito pequena e na maioria dos casos negativa.

Nossa pesquisa investiga a criança - escrava, ingênua ou livre, com idade inferior a 15 anos - inserida como mão-de-obra nos domicílios de Mariana, Minas Gerais, durante a segunda metade do século XIX. Esta localidade, desde o declínio da mineração, passou a ter a produção de alimentos como atividade econômica principal. O período contemplado foi de transição do sistema escravista para o sistema livre de trabalho. A cessação do tráfico internacional de escravos, a liberdade concedida a crianças nascidas de mães escravas e a escravos com mais de 60 anos foram partes de um processo de transição gradual, cujo corolário foi a abolição da escravatura. De 1850 a 1871, os senhores tinham no tráfico interno e na reprodução natural a esperança de perpetuação do regime, mas, depois da Lei Rio Branco, a segunda possibilidade foi eliminada pelo ventre livre. Tal lei, entretanto, permitia aos escravistas a utilização da mão-de-obra dos ingênuos até que estes completassem 21 anos. O senhor que desejasse manter a utilização da mão-de-obra coercitiva teria algumas dificuldades (a maior delas, talvez, fosse a elevação dos preços dos cativos). Nesse contexto, muitos projetos buscaram contornar a ausência do escravo. Entre eles, alguns idealizavam o uso da mão-de-obra nacional, especialmente de livres pobres, libertos e ingênuos. Dentro dessa alternativa, a criança, que poderia ser educada desde cedo para o trabalho, tinha papel relevante. Nossa pesquisa demonstra que entre os fatores pelos quais a criança se inseria no mundo do trabalho, estavam o cativeiro, a orfandade, a ilegitimidade e a pobreza. Os pequenos trabalhadores executavam tarefas ligadas à roça, ao pastoreio e aos serviços domésticos. A documentação revelou poucas crianças com idade inferior a 7 anos inseridas na labuta, mas o número de trabalhadores aumentava progressivamente nas faixas etárias seguintes. Percebe-se que dos 12 aos 14 anos, os menores já têm suas profissões descritas nos documentos. Investigamos uma extensa gama de fontes primárias. Foram inventários post-mortem, matrículas de escravos e de ingênuos, registros de compra e venda de escravos, processos judiciais, cartas de alforria, mapas de população, listas de habitantes, o Recenseamento Geral do Império de 1872 e os relatórios de presidente da província. Tais documentos, cartoriais ou oficiais, possibilitaram-nos vislumbrar as características do trabalho infantil na Mariana oitocentista. / This research studies the children (slave, \"ingênuo\" or free; under 15 years old) inserted as laborers in Mariana (Minas Gerais) households during the second half of the 19th century. Since the decline of mining, that locality consolidated the subsistence economy as its main activity. The focused period constitutes a transition from slavery to a free labor system. The interruption of international slave traffic and the emancipation of children born of slave mothers and of slaves over 60 years old were events of a gradual transition process, culminating in the abolition of slavery. From 1850 to 1871, the internal traffic and natural reproduction were the only ways to perpetuate slave labour, but the latter possibility was excluded by Lei Rio Branco. However, that law authorized the slaveholders to use \"ingênuos\'s\" labor up to the age of 21. The slaveholder who wanted to keep forced labour would have some kind of difficulties (the worst of them, maybe, was a rise in the cost of the slaves). In these circumstances, many projects tried to compensate for the absence of slave labour. Among them, there were those which focused on the use of native workers, particularly poor free men, freedmen and \"ingênuos\". By this conception, the children, who could be early educated for work, had a considerable role. Some of the reasons why children began to work were the captivity, orphanhood, illegitimacy and poorness. The young workers did tasks as farmhand, shepherds and domestic servants. The documentation contained few working children under 7 years old, but the number of working children increased progressively in the following age groups. From 12 to 14 years old, the children already had their occupations described in the documents. We examined a vast set of register office sources - post-mortem inventories, slave and \"ingênuos\" registrations, records of slave purchases and sales, judicial suits, letters of emancipation - and official sources - population maps, inhabitant lists, 1872 census, provincial presidential reports -,which gave us an idea of the children\'s labour in Mariana in the 19th century.

Climate change is altering environmental conditions in Canada’s western arctic, including hydrology, permafrost, vegetation, and lake habitat conditions in the heterogeneous landscape of the Mackenzie Delta. The delta is an expansive alluvial plain dominated by thousands of lakes and interconnected channels that provide habitat for fish, birds, and mammals. Muskrats (Ondatra zibethicus) are a culturally important ecological indicator species found in the Delta. Throughout the 1900s, Gwich’in and Inuvialuit residents in the Delta relied heavily on the muskrat for food, fur, and culture, but as in other regions around the world, changing socioeconomic and ecological conditions are altering the land and Indigenous Peoples’ access to it. This can strongly impact communities by affecting food security, physical health, and overall wellbeing. In the first part of this thesis, I investigated the role of muskrats in the cultural traditions and land-based livelihoods of the Gwich’in and Inuvialuit residents of the Mackenzie Delta by conducting interviews and meetings with over 70 community members. Although the role of muskrats has changed over the last 100 years, muskrat harvesting continues to offer Delta residents a meaningful way to remain engaged in, perpetuate, and strengthen their cultural identity and land-based traditions among generations, and ultimately, to foster individual and community wellbeing. In the second part of this thesis, I investigated the importance of landscape connectivity and patch quality – two properties affected by climate change – on muskrat presence and distribution in the Mackenzie Delta, using remote sensing and field-based surveys of lakes with and without muskrats present in the winter. I tested multiple hypotheses about predictors of muskrat presence and biomass using a model-selection, information theoretic approach. My results show that patch quality related to specific habitat requirements is a more important driver of muskrat distribution than landscape connectivity in the Mackenzie Delta. Muskrats were more likely to occur in lakes with longer perimeters, higher amounts of edible submerged macrophyte biomass, and sediment characteristics that supported macrophyte growth. The latter two conditions are related to spring flooding regimes, which are likely to be altered by climate change. This may result in a decrease in the quality and quantity of preferred muskrat habitat in the Mackenzie Delta. My research indicates that patch quality and landscape-level processes are important for understanding species distributions in heterogeneous landscapes. / Graduate

Modern homelessness is one of the most pressing social and political problems of our time. Several hundred thousand people experience homelessness in the United States each year, and the U.S. Department of Housing, which attempts to count those people, has admitted that their statistics are conservative estimates at best. A recent archaeological study (Zimmerman et al 2010) examining material culture associated with homeless communities in Indianapolis has suggested that those who are considered chronically homeless have generally abandoned wage labor and are instead pursuing urban foraging as a subsistence strategy. In order to better understand the structures of homeless communities, I have expanded this archaeological and ethnographic form of inquiry and used it to present evidence of material culture and foraging patterns among the urban homeless near Tampa. I used participant mapping to obtain 20 individual maps that show each informant’s catchment area, and I performed surface survey of material culture found at camp sites in a four-square-mile area. I found that individuals tend to make homes wherever they are and that much of the material culture reflects what could realistically be expected in any house or apartment. I also found that individuals utilize many resources across the landscape to obtain food, water, clothing, and shelter but must simultaneously remain invisible. This shows that homeless individuals are economic outcasts who must survive outside of yet are still quite dependent on society. Ultimately, this research shows how anthropology can be used to advance a scientific understanding of a specific set of economic processes and how these affect people.

The broad objective of the study was poverty alleviation through the development of subsistence harvesters at Ngqushwa Municipality. The research objectives were to explore - ways of advancing from being subsistence level producers, opportunities available to these harvesters, if they, (subsistence harvesters), want to be commercialized and what actions do they need to take to become successful businesses. The study was conducted in the the coastal area of Ngqushwa Municipality. The researcher conducted face-to-face interviews with 2 key informants. The respondents provided information on the marine species harvested by the subsistence harvesters of the Ngqushwa Municipality and the type of tools they use for harvesting. They mentioned how subsistence harvesters could advance from subsistence level to producers, about opportunities available to these harvesters, and what actions they need to take if they want to become successful businesses. The key informants also informed the researcher that subsistence harvesters are now classified as Small Scale Fisheries and informed about villages that engage in subsistence harvesting within the Ngqushwa Municipality area. 15 subsistence harvesters were randomly sampled in Polar Park, Qolweni, Gcinisa and Wesley villages which fall under the Ngqushwa Municipality. These harvesters shared their willingness to move from subsistence to commercial fisheries. The use of storytelling interviews (4 subsistence), was also used by the researcher to get more information about their experiences and challenges. The survey was conducted over 7 days. One day in June, 2016 and 6 days in September, 2016. The total number of people interviewed was 21, made up of 2 key informants, 15 subsistence and 4 story telling interviews. The results showed that the community of subsistence harvesters is very discontented because they do not benefit from the sea and the marine resources although they live near the ocean. They also believe that in 22 years of democracy there is no way forward from the government. They are irate as they have witnessed the top down management style from the government. The current subsistence harvesters have little or no formal school education, (23% with no formal schooling at all, 23% with high school education between grades 8 - 12). Without the educational and skills programs from the government the subsistence harvesters will not be able to grow and create further employment opportunities for the rest of the community of Ngqushwa Municipality. The following recommendations have suggested that co-management must come from the community. It must not be people from parliament who do not feel the pain the communities are suffering. The top down approach should stop and a bottom up approach should be implemented, which will allow decisions to be made by the communities involved in harvesting. The government only needs to monitor. They (Government), have good policies, but are they are not monitored. The harvesters need training from the government. There is a need for the formulation of a development forum with learned people, churches, community leaders, young people, women, disabled, and the fishing community all represented. There is also need of support in terms of equipment, boats and education. The government needs to conduct training on fisheries and business management and provide financial support and assistance with business plans.

The aim of my work is to describe the position of minimum wage in the Czech Republic and to insight its relationship with the other income quantities. In the first part I concentrated on the terms of related with minimum wage and after that I dealer with the development of minimum wage and I analyze its relationship with other income quantities. The last part compares the level of minimum wage in the Czech Republic with the other member states of the European Union where the minimum wage is determined by the law.

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Hunger currently plagues over one billion people around the world, leaving mainly women, children and rural communities in post-colonial developing countries unable to obtain their most basic need for nutrition. The fundamental human right to food is found to be a complex human right involving a combination of both positive and negative duties by states and international institutions in order for its guarantee. Hunger is not only remediable but is highly preventable. Main causal factors of hunger are outlined, with a focus on Thomas Pogge’s claim that coercive international institutions are largely responsible for world poverty. In this way, global institutions are responsible not to cause harm in their economic policies and unfair trade rules in order for individuals to obtain economic access to food and thus remedy their hunger.