<p>This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>The purpose with this paper is to describe focus in the school subject swedish through a historic perspective. The purpose is also to intestigate how a group of pupils in the last grade in upper (senior) level of compulsory school and teachers with the subject swedish thinks about the subject, what is the most meaningful to pupils in the last grade in upper level of compulsory school.</p><p>The history of the Swedish school system from the 15 th century till today and the entrance of Swedich as a subject in school has been studied by literature and curriculum. With help from Mr Lars-Göran Malmgrens analysis of different swedish subjects the curriculums analyses to see which subject who appear.</p><p>Pupils from the last grade in upper level of compulsory school and their teachers in the the subject swedish have answered questions in two different questionnaires regarding what is most meaningful with the subject. The result are to be present in this paper as diagram and also in ordinary text.</p><p>The conclusion is that the subject swedish has changed from functionalism to formalism and then turned to a more literary education and finally towards functionalism again. The results from the questionnaire papers show that the pupils put most value in learning different skills while the teachers see the importance of both skills and developing the personality.</p> / <p>Sammanfattning</p><p>Syftet med detta arbete är att redogöra för fokus i svenskämnet ur ett historiskt perspektiv. Syftet är också att undersöka vad en grupp svensklärare och elever i dagsläget tänker om svenskämnet då det gäller vad som är mest meningsfullt för elever i år 9.</p><p>Via litteraturstudier och studier av undervisningsplaner och läroplaner beskrivs skolväsendets historia från 1600-talet fram till nutid och svenskämnets inträde i skolan. Med hjälp av Lars-Göran Malmgrens ämneskonceptioner analyseras de olika undervisningsplanerna och läroplanerna för att se vilket svenskämne det är som framträder.</p><p>Två enkätundersökningar har genomförts där elever i år 9 och svensklärare har svarat på frågor kring det meningsfulla i svenskämnet. Svaren redovisas dels i diagramform och dels i löpande text.</p><p>Slutsatser som har dragits är att svenskämnet har gått från en mer funktionalistisk ämneskonception till en formalistisk ämneskonception, för att sedan fokusera mer mot ämneskonceptionen litteraturhistoriskt bildningsämne, och återigen gå mot det funktionalistiska hållet. Enkätundersökningen visar att elever i år 9 lägger störst vikt vid färdigheter medan svensklärare både lägger vikt vid färdigheter och ett personlighetsutvecklande arbete.</p>

This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-197).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universitetet i Lund, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 409-425) and index.

This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

The overall aim with this study is to understand how and why the political environment in Sweden changed so drastically during the first years of the 1990s. The political mayfly New Democracy took office in the Swedish parliament in 1991 to 1994. At the time they were branded as a rightwing, xenophobic populist party. While our Nordic neighbors have had political parties resembling New Democracy since the beginning of the 1970’s, the established parties in Sweden managed to cover most of these controversial questions for some time. In a world that was dominated by western capitalism and libertinism following the collapse of the Soviet union, with increasing immigration also from outside of Europe, the Swedish people wanted to see change and the 1991 election turned out to be historical in that about 30% of the voters changed party allegiance. Enter New Democracy, a party that had been formally created in February 1991. They had been formed by 2 strong characters who met in November 1990 for the very first time: Ian Wachtmeister and Bert Karlsson. Karlsson was the person with impeccable instincts for publicity. Wachtmeister was the man behind most of the ideas that came to make up the party program. Their leading idea was that politics should be governed by common sense. In this spirit (and the lack of time) they postponed a lot of principal and basic discussions on key matters, with the idea that they would sort them out once elected. This did not work out too well and they soon started to disintegrate from within and by the next election in 1994 they had basically stopped working as a party. The aim of the study is achieved through evaluating the following areas: how did New Democracy communicate with their voters as well as how they worked in parliament seen in the light of their party program; the second evaluates New Democracy from an ideology standpoint and finally; how did the voters look at the political situation in Sweden at this time? What relatively little has been written and researched about New Democracy has seemingly always taken the starting view of looking at them as a populist party. In this thesis I look atthis unconditionally, and start with an analysis of ideologies and populism. The characteristics identified from this are then applied on New Democracy based on what they said they wanted to achieve as well as how they applied their ideas in real life. In order to firmly establish the current theories on ideologies in general and populist theory in particular I have drawn upon some of the most well renown researchers in these areas. As fo rthe study of New Democracy I have been using whatever little material they published themselves, in addition I’ve been using the archives of the Swedish government and a series of books and research on New Democracy. Furthermore I’ve conducted an interview with a former New Democracy parliament member to add and confirm much of the written material. The analysis shows that New Democracy was a party that in some ways were ahead of their time as it took another couple of years and then many of their ideas had been implemented. Their messages and ways to go about it were seen as extraordinary at the time. This provides an interesting parallel to the political debate of today considering what is seen as politically correct. Although they were seen as rebels at the time, by today’s standards they appear as rather harmless. They were seen as a populist party of their day. By comparing to current definitions of a populist parti they would rather be seen as a discontent party. Today they would not stand out even nearly in the same way as they did then. And finally, I would argue that the development of a party like New Democracy was inevitable at the time given all political changes in Sweden and in our vicinity.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka vad Sveriges partier har för ståndpunkter för att öka denfysiska aktiviteten hos barn och ungdomar samt vilka aktörer i samhället som bidrar till en ökadfysisk aktivitet i samhället, där skolan lyfts upp då det är en av de aktörer som har en storpåverkan. För att uppnå syftet och frågeställningarna har en kvalitativ textanalys gjorts påregeringsskrifter, databaser och litteratur där utgångspunkten har varit att göra eninnehållsanalys, argumentationsanalys samt en politisk diskursanalys. För att kunna analyseraoch bearbeta det insamlade materialet utgår studien från en triangelmodell som ett analytisktverktyg där grunden är staten, marknaden och det civila samhället. Resultatet i studien visar att de flesta politiska partierna i Sverige försöker öka den fysiskaaktiviteten genom skolan, då den fysiska aktiviteten i skolan resulterar ett hälsosammare liv ivuxen ålder. Studiens resultat visar även att infrastrukturen påverkar den fysiska aktivitetensom gör det möjligt för individer att utöva fysisk aktivitet på fritiden.

The concept of ecosystem services often is defined as a way where we as humans protect and preserve available ecosystems and at the same time can make use of these ecosystems for our own well-being. According to the UN report Millennium Ecosystem Assessment from 2005 the services can be classified into four categories: provisioning, regulating, cultural or supporting. This study is focusing on how Swedish municipalities are managing all of these services. The main aim was to examine if there is a difference among municipalities in general and between municipalities with a high and a low range of population density in particular. The reason for these potential differences was also discussed by interviews with representatives for a number of selected municipalities, complemented by studies of literature, this study showed that there are differences between Sweden’s more populated and less populated municipalities. Typically, the main difference was found in the area of the knowledge and the use of the concept in daily planning. Some municipalities seems to be almost unaware of that they partly already are planning for the maintenance of these services. In conclusion, there is still more work to do fully make use of the ecosystem service concept in planning to create a more resilient society, not least for the municipalities on the country side!

This study is based on how ”the dark story” about The Swedish Welfare system during 1900-1950’s is presented in a selection of history textbooks which are adapted for upper secondary school. What I am referring to with ”the dark story” is the sterilizations, the oppression notice against minority groups, the ideal of being well-behaved and the injustice within social classes and gender. I have limited the study to examine history textbooks which are adapted for the current course ”History 1b” and the previous course ”History A”. According to earlier reasearch ”the dark story” about Sweden’s history started to be problematized during 1990’s with the result that the history has started to be impaired in textbooks during 2000’s. Earlier, Sweden’s history in textbooks has been presented as neutral, which has illustrated that no dark or hidden history about Sweden has been written.          The aim in this study is to examine what history is being emphasized in the textbooks and analyze how it is presented as an educational content. To be able to do that I have used a qualitative content analysis focused on examining the textbooks by Niklas Ammert’s analysis model about how textbooks present history. In this study I found out that ”the dark story” is presented in all examined textbooks, but in different ways with different examples. I also found out that the history is thematised depending what history the textbook has emphasized and how it is presented by the authors. Some of the authors have problematized several examples by different perspectives and some of them present one short example. This result shows that ”the dark story” within The Swedish Welfare system is presented different as an educational content.