The Dissertation covers the aspect of term limits of head of state and its links with the principles of national sovereignty, separation of powers and supremacy of the constitution in various forms of state government. The analysis of the concept of powers and term limits of head of state, put into the context of development of the global legal thought, uncovers progress in the scientific understanding of the concept and paves the way to the key arguments of the Paper (the right to establish term limits of authorities lies with the nation (John Locke); the term limit of authority is inversely proportional to the greatness of power (Charles Montesquieu). The study into the features and dynamics of constitutional regulation of term limits of head of state is based on the analysis of the relevant provisions in over 500 constitutions; as a result, the study establishes the development trends in the definition of term limits enshrined in the said constitutions. Another part of the study looks into the reasons behind the violations of constitutional provisions on term limits of head of state and analyses the dynamics of the said violations in monarchies and republics as forms of government, paying attention to the criterion of greatness of authority of head of state. On the basis of the present research, the author establishes the effectiveness of direct and inverse application of the rule formulated by Charles Montesquieu (the greatness of power must be compensated by the brevity... [to full text] / Disertacijoje atskleistas valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės aspektas ir jo sąsajos su Tautos suvereniteto, valdžių padalijimo, Konstitucijos viršenybės principais valstybės valdymo formose. Analizuojant valdžios ir valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės sampratą pasaulio teisinės minties raidoje, nustatytas jos mokslinio suvokimo progresas ir esminiai konstatuojamieji teiginiai (teisė nustatyti valdžios įgaliojimų trukmę priklauso tautai (J. Locke), valdžios įgaliojimų trukmė atvirkščiai proporcinga įgaliojimų dydžiui (Sh. Montesquieu). Tiriant valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinio reguliavimo ypatumus ir dinamiką, išnagrinėtos ir apibendrintos daugiau nei 500 konstitucijų aktualios nuostatos, nustatytos jose užfiksuotų įgaliojimų trukmių apibrėžimų raidos tendencijos. Kitame tyrime nagrinėtos valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinių nuostatų pažeidimų priežastys, dinamika monarchijos bei respublikos valdymo formose, atsižvelgiant į vadovų įgaliojimų apimties kriterijų. Remiantis tyrimų duomenimis, nustatytas Sh. Montesquieu teiginio (kuo valdžios įgaliojimai didesni, tuo trumpiau ji turi valdyti) tiesioginio ir atvirkštinio taikymo efektyvumas. Patvirtinta mokslinio tyrimo prielaida, jog valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinių nuostatų pažeidžiamumas yra proporcingas jo įgaliojimų apimčiai. Šią konstitucinio reguliavimo problemą siūloma spręsti naudojant atvirkštinį Sh.Montesquieu teiginį (kuo valdžios įgaliojimai menkesni, tuo jų trukmė yra... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

A literatura empírica de ciclos políticos orçamentários pouco aborda a influência da limitação de mandato na existência do oportunismo fiscal por parte do ocupante do poder executivo nas finanças dos vários entes da federação. Nesse sentido, à luz da Nova Economia Política, o objetivo desta pesquisa foi investigar o impacto dos diferentes incentivos enfrentados no Brasil por prefeitos em primeiro mandato - aqueles que são elegíveis para a reeleição - e em segundo mandato - aqueles que não podem candidatar-se à reeleição - na gestão fiscal dos municípios. Para além da avaliação de todo o mandato eletivo, também foi analisado o impacto da diferenciação dos dois tipos de incumbentes na inscrição de valores em restos a pagar nos anos eleitorais. Os resultados obtidos via painel clássico sugerem uma efetiva diferenciação entre prefeitos em primeiro e segundo mandato em anos não eleitorais, com prefeitos em primeiro mandato inscrevendo maiores valores em restos a pagar processados e total em relação aos prefeitos de segundo mandato. Ademais, seguindo a legislação de responsabilidade fiscal brasileira, prefeitos em segundo mandato reduziram a inscrição de valores nessas rubricas em ano eleitoral, embora prefeitos em primeiro mandato tenham aumentado a inscrição de valores em restos a pagar não processados. / The empirical literature on political budget cycles has not studied all the influences of term limitations in the existence of fiscal opportunism by politicians in the various levels of government. In this sense, regarding the Political Economy, the objective of this research was to investigate the impact of different incentives faced by first-term mayors in Brazil - those who are eligible for re-election - and second-term mayors - those who cannot apply for re-election - in the fiscal management at the local level. Beyond the assessment of the entire mandate, it was also evaluated the impact of differentiation of the two types of incumbents in the management of the unpaid spending obligations in election years. Results obtained via classic panel suggest an effective differentiation between first and second-term mayors in non-election years, as first-term mayors exhibit higher unpaind recognized spending obligations and total unpaid spending obligations values in comparison to second-term mayors. Moreover, following the Brazilian fiscal responsability law, second-term mayors reduced values in these items in election year, although first-term mayors had higher values on average for unpaid and unrecognized spending obligations.

No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

The crisis in Burundi began when President Pierre Nkurunziza declared that he would pursue a third term despite a two-term limitation in Burundi’s Constitution. Opposition parties along, with some members of President Nkurunziza’s own National Council for Defence of Democracy, Forces for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD-FDD), argued that President Nkurunziza’s decision to extend his rule beyond the maximum two-terms was in direct violation of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation agreement, also referred to as the Arusha agreement, signed in 2000. This action triggered opposition parties and civil society groups to organize peaceful protests to challenge President Nkurunziza’s third term bid. In response, government forces and Imbonerakure youth militia coordinated a campaign of repression and intimidation. The country of Burundi is characterized by political violence, targeted assassinations, and accusations of torture and rape by both government forces and armed opposition groups. The purpose of this study was to examine how the conflict surrounding presidential term limit manipulation affected the perception of peace and stability among people in Burundi. Understanding this phenomenon is extremely important because the recent hike in violence among Burundians has negatively affected the peace and stability of the nation. Through a mixed-method case study approach, the study’s main findings indicate the significant fracturing of citizen perceptions of peace and stability along identity lines, significant fear and insecurity among Burundians about the current crisis, as well as the continuing impact of the long-standing violence in the country’s past. Keywords: presidential term limits, conflict resolution, political violence, term limit manipulation, qualitative case study, and quantitative survey.