The East China Sea (ECS) dispute between Japan, the People’s Republic of China, and the Republic of China began in the early 1970s and has continued to escalate. Although the Japanese government claims to handle conflicts in the disputed area as domestic matters, scholarship has focused on the dispute as an international relations or legal issue between states. This project explores the dispute as an issue in domestic Japanese politics by examining the narratives and power dynamics of the major political parties, nationalist and ultraconservative groups, and Okinawan activists vis-à-vis the national government and international actors.

Territorial Disputes in South China Sea Abstract This diploma thesis deals with territorial disputes in the South China Sea and its participants. The aim of the thesis is to describe legal titles of all participants of the dispute and analyse their claims for areas in the South China Sea. The reason of the territorial dispute is based on the proximity of countries and the fact that the South China Sea contains a number of features that are claimed by surrounding countries whose claims exclude. Moreover, one of the participants - China, claims nearly 90% of the whole area. The thesis also describes provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea that are significant for the territorial dispute, as well as, means of the conflict solutions of the dispute provided in the Convention. The Philippines as one of the participants of the dispute decided to initiate arbitrary trial in order to find amicable settlement. The arbitrary tribunal ruled in favour of the Philippines in that matter, however as final chapter provides, China decided to ignore the arbitrary award and continues to supress other countries. Thus, an amicable solution of the dispute seems very unlikely in the near future. Key words South China Sea, exclusive economic zone, territorial dispute

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This thesis will work on implementing the Political Economic Theory of Wall Construction on the case of Saudi Arabia. To further contribute to the study of border walls, the PETWC is applied to a different methodology than in the original paper where it was first introduced, taking into consideration neighboring countries without border walls into analysis. Ultimately, the thesis will show that PETWC sets good foundation for further development of a broader border wall theory, and that border walls concerning Saudi Arabia are consequence of low regional integration and internal instability at home and abroad.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

This thesis analyses the peace process between Ecuador and Peru and stimulates discussion in the field of conflict resolution. On Monday, October 26th, 1998, President of Peru Alberto Fujimori and Ecuador Jamil Mahuad Witt signed an international agreement that ended more than 150 years lasting territorial conflict. A series of hostile acts and armed conflicts have accompanied these neighbouring states for decades. Four states became the guarantor of the peace treaty: Brazil, the United States, Argentina and Chile. Complicated negotiations began in 1995 after a short war on the Cenepa River. The negotiating teams of the guaranteeing states used various mediation strategies, including the organization of negotiations, sanctions and financial incentives. The aim of this qualitative case study is an analysis of the causes of successful mediation performed by the guaranteeing states. The research follows the theoretical part, which describes the so-called contingency approach and ripeness theory.

Tout semble avoir été dit sur Mayotte, les Comores et la France, or le statut juridique de ce territoire n'a pas encore livré tous ses secrets, ni épuisé tous ses effets. La problématique générale de cette thèse consiste à savoir comment ce statut juridique de Mayotte peut rendre compte de la double identité, de la double appartenance de cette île. La réponse à cette question générale se décline en deux aspects très complémentaires : 1) Peut-on penser Mayotte abritée du droit international ? La réponse à cette question est négative ; 2) Peut-on penser Mayotte uniquement par référence au droit de l'État français ? Là aussi, la réponse est négative. La thèse défendue s'illustre comme suit : elle préconise la vocation internationale du statut de Mayotte et la vocation franco-comorienne de celui-ci. La vocation internationale du statut de Mayotte part de l'idée qu'il faut, aujourd'hui, dépasser le statu quo qui préside au différend territorial entre la France et les Comores. Ce statu quo est l'expression d'un antagonisme et d'un « silence » sur les rapports entre droit interne et droit international. Ce « silence » montre une opposition entre les Comores pro-internationalistes et la France, pro-interniste. Aucun dialogue ne s'ensuit. Les solutions du droit international sont au nombre de deux : une solution stricte, par application du principe de l'uti possidetis juris, soit le rattachement du territoire de Mayotte aux Comores. Une seconde solution très innovante consisterait en l'exercice d'une co-souveraineté franco-comorienne sur Mayotte. En l'état des forces politiques, les solutions du droit international paraissent délicates à mettre en oeuvre. Aussi la thèse du maintien de Mayotte française semble devoir l'emporter, mais dans une perspective modernisée. Voilà quelle pourrait être l'issue du dialogue droit interne et droit international. La vocation franco-comorienne de Mayotte signifie que le maintien de Mayotte française doit se penser en termes de double appartenance. Le renoncement, accepté par l'État comorien, devra être accompagné d'une coopération internationale bilatérale forte. C'est pourquoi le statut mahorais doit se penser en termes de double identité. Dans ces conditions, un dialogue véritable entre l'État français et l'État Comorien sur Mayotte française serait établi. On peut penser ce dialogue durable car il ne tend à donner une satisfaction exclusive ni à l'un ou ni à l'autre des protagonistes. Autant le dialogue droit interne et droit international favorise les intérêts de l'État français ; autant le dialogue qui s'ensuit doit satisfaire les deux parties. Ainsi, afin de répondre aux interrogations soulevées par notre problématique et pour mieux les appréhender, notre étude est divisée en deux parties. La première est consacrée à la vocation internationale du statut de Mayotte. La deuxième partie présente la vocation franco-comorienne du statut de cette île. / The case of Mayotte has been extensively studied. However unresolved issues regarding the legal status of the territory persist, owing to Mayotte belonging to both the Comoros and France. This study examines how the legal status of Mayotte can reflect its double identity. To answer this question, it is necessary to envision two complementary aspects of the problem: is Mayotte immune from international law? The answer is no; does Mayotte fall exclusively under French law? Again, the answer is no. This thesis reveals the opportunity for Mayotte to define itself both as an international and as a French Comorian territory. Embracing its international vocation, Mayotte would move beyond the statu quo that stems from the territorial dispute between France and the Comoros. The current situation is the symptom of an antagonism between international and domestic law which explains the absence of discussion over the case of Mayotte. The Comoros promotes international law whereas France is in favour of internal law. There are two main international law solutions: a strict one, by the application of the principle of “uti possidetis juris”, in other words the unification of Mayotte territory with Comoros. The second solution is an innovative one which would consist in a French-Comorian shared sovereignty concerning Mayotte. Considering political forces, it does not seem easy to implement international law solutions. Also, in a modernized perspective, the thesis of maintaining a French Mayotte island is to be promoted. This could eventually be the solution of internal law and international law. French-Comorian purpose about Mayotte means that the maintaining of a French Mayotte island should be thought in terms of a double belonging. The renunciation, accepted by the Comorian state, should have to be associated with a strong bilateral international cooperation. That is why the status of Mayotte also has to be thought in terms of a double identity. In these conditions, a real dialogue can be established between France and the Comoros about a French Mayotte. Thus, long-standing talks are possible because none of the protagonists will be given exclusive satisfaction. Even though the internal law and international law dialogue encourages French interests, the dialogue which follows has to satisfy both parties. Thus, to answer the questions raised by our problematic, we have divided our study into two parts, the first one is devoted to the international purpose of Mayotte’s status and the second one deals with its French-Comorian purpose.

Orientador: Bernardo Mançano Fernandes / Banca: Clifford Andrew Welch / Banca: Luis Tapia Mealla / Resumo: A disputa camponesa pelo território é uma questão que se destaca com muita força no processo constituinte boliviano contemporâneo. Neste quadro, o sujeito social mobilizado constitui-se sobre a identidade indígena, "originaria" e camponesa, que disputa no imaginário do Estado-Nação o sentido da sua constituição como sujeito, ainda, a sua articulação institucional e territorial buscando a sua legitimidade na constituição do estado e, assim, questionando os princípios da modernidade capitalista eurocêntrica. Tem-se como referência que este Estado-Nação eurocêntrico dilui as identidades étnicas para constituir a identidade nacional do estado-nação moderno. O debate sobre a rearticulação das identidades indígenas coloca um desafio nas identidades camponesas, cuja origem colonial está na expropriação do direito do índio sobre a terra e o território, pra manter sua condição subalterna e, assim, explorar sua força de trabalho nas terras e nos territórios que anteriormente lhes perteneciam. A recuperação da terra e do território constitui-se no eixo central da luta camponesa e indígena na Bolívia, mas requer que o camponês construa um argumento da sua natureza societal expressa na dimensão territorial para articular-se plenamente em um novo esquema: o estado plurinacional / Resumen: La disputa campesina por el territorio es una cuestión que emerge con contundencia en el proceso constituyente boliviano contemporáneo, donde el sujeto social movilizado se constituye en torno a la identidad de pueblo y nación indígena, originaria y campesina, que le disputa al imaginario político hegemónico del estado-nación el sentido de la constitución del sujeto y su articulación institucional y territorial a la legitimidad del estado, cuestionando los principios de la modernidad capitalista eurocéntrica que postula la dilución de las identidades étnicas para constituir la identidad nacional del estado moderno. El debate sobre la rearticulación de las identidades indígenas plantea un desafío a las identidades campesinas, cuyo origen colonial es el despojo del indio a un derecho sobre la tierra y el territorio, de manera que manteniéndolo en la condición subalterna del conquistado, se le explota la mano de obra para explotar las tierras y territorios que antes de la conquista les pertenecían. La recuperación de la tierra y del territorio se constituye en un eje central de la lucha campesina e indígena en Bolivia, pero requiere del campesino construir un argumento de su naturaleza societal con dimensión territorial para articularse plenamente en el esquema del nuevo estado plurinacional / Abstract: The peasant strugle for territory is a matter that emerges clearly in the contemporary bolivian constituent process, where the mobilized social subject builds up around the indigenous and peasant people and nations, that disputes the hegemonic political imaginary of the nation-state in the sense of constitution of the social subject and his linkage to the territorial and institutional legitimacy of the state, questioning the principles of the capitalistic eurocentric modernity that places a disappearance of ethnic identity to build a national identity of the modern state-nation. The debate about reconstituting indigenous identities points out a challenge over the peasant identities, where its colonial origin in the dispossession of land and territory to exploit their working force in their own ancestral territories. Taking back the land and territories is nowadays a central issue in the peasant and indigenous struggle for emancipation in Bolivia, but requires from them to build an convincing argument of their society nature with territorial attributes for a plenty linkage to the new scheme of the plurinational state / Mestre