This project explores the “Laurier Memorial,” a pivotal document written by Chiefs of the Secwépemc, Nlaka’pamux, and Syilx Nations of interior British Columbia, and presented to Prime Minister Laurier in 1910. With the assistance of Scottish-born ethnologist James Teit, the Memorial is written in lucid first-person narrative, charting the history of relations between these Interior Tribes and settler populations, then putting forward a different vision of relations based in traditional law, reciprocity, obligation, mutual sovereignty and shared jurisdiction. As the document continues to circulate a century later, drawing new relations around it, it provides insight into Indigenous-State relations throughout history and how we might make moves towards resolving them. This work looks at the document’s proposal, its continued relevance and circulation, its nuanced impacts on broader political relations, as well as its impacts on my own political, personal, and research relationships.

This thesis will determine the influence of Turkey's domestic resources on Turkey's foreign relations with the five Turkic states in the Caspian Sea Region. The spheres analyzed in this study are the common ties, which are history, culture, religion and language, with the regional countries, pan-Turkism, Turkey's initial interactions as well as ongoing constructive policies in the region. Findings showed that both Turkey and the five Turkic republics were enthusiastic to carry their relations in every field to future cooperation following the break up of the Soviet Union. However the Turkic Republics' interest in Turkish development model gradually declined starting from the 1994s.The hypothesis that socio-cultural ties will ease establishing close foreign relations is applicable to all five republics. The Turkic states welcomed Turkey's educational and cultural policies with great willingness. In the field of business we find that Turkish economy follows a similar pattern in its relations with the Azerbaijani and Central Asian markets. Accordant policy goals of Turkey and the five republics led Turkey to establish close foreign relations with the regional countries. Turkey tried to give military aid to the Turkic republics of Central Asia in their struggle against terrorist groups which have the capacity to destabilize governments and to threaten international security. The hypothesis that the more Turkey has business interests in the Caspian Sea Region the more Turkey will have closer foreign relations with Turkic countries is mostly apparent in the case of Azerbaijan. In the area of energy politics Turkey has its strongest link with Azerbaijan. Besides being strong economic partners Turkey is Azerbaijan's biggest supporter in the region against Armenia.

Using Tanzania as a case-study, this dissertation approaches the land grab issue in Tanzania with the following two main research question: How are new farmland investments shaping political dynamics and actors’ interactions in Tanzania? And, how actors’ interactions between and within levels of governance influence farmland investments’ outcomes at the local level? I tackle these questions by proposing an original theoretical framework which is based on two main assertions. First, local outcomes associated with farmland investments in Tanzania result from actors’ interactions. Second, these interactions are shaped by the interplay between three main elements: contingencies (C), actors’ agency (A), and structure (S). I use the acronym CAS to refer to these three elements. CAS, by combining various theoretical insights, is analytically productive because it furthers our understanding of what shapes relations among actors, and accounts for how their interactions change in time and space. It contributes significantly to the literature on land grabbing by proposing a unified analytical tool that builds up on the relational perspective that has been proposed by different scholars. In addition, CAS allows researchers to overcome misleading categorisations and to question dominant narratives that have been associated with the land grabbing literature. This dissertation is divided into 9 chapters. After the usual literature review (Chapter 1), theoretical framework (Chapter 2) and method (Chapter 3) chapters, Chapter 4 gets into the crux of the matter by first briefly presents Tanzania’s historical trajectory, with a specific focus on land policies in order to introduce this thesis’s empirical chapters, and to situate the reader in regards to Tanzania politics. Chapter 5 analysed land policies and related politics at the national level. It highlighted that actors’ interactions in relation to new farmland investments participate to the process of state formation. Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 both adopted a local perspective to capture the impacts associated with new farmland investments in district political arenas. More specifically, chapter 6 highlighted the importance of not overstating the authority of the central state, rather insisting on the key role played by intermediaries in Rufiji district. Chapter 7, seeking to capture how a specific investment has restructured the local political agrarian economy in Missenyi district, argued that Kagera Sugar safeguards its operational profitability by creating locally mediated market relations. It led to the emergence of new local patrons who used their position to benefit and foster their own material interests at villagers’ expense. Chapter 8 adopted a micro perspective, examining the political dynamics associated with investors-related land conflicts in a village in Missenyi district. I compared and explained why actors’ interactions are different even in the same institutional context, highlighting that the same local context may produce different CASs. In sum, this dissertation’s main findings are as follow. First, investments’ local impacts are contingent on investments’ terms of inclusion and exclusion that are constantly being negotiated between numerous actors. Second, although all actors exert their agency, their very capacity to negotiate and shape the social structure is partly influenced by structural constraints themselves. Third, it is interesting to note that specific local actors—and not necessarily the most powerful—such as district officials win almost every time, at least more than all the others. Although their place in the institutional architecture is decisive, it also shows that their capacity and ability to exert their agency is crucial: these district officials may have known better than others how to play their cards in the new Tanzanian farmland investment game. Fourth, even though processes through which new farmland investments affect the local political economy vary according to structural components (historical and institutional legacies), in both districts, the associated local outcomes were very similar. There are few exceptions, but the general trend in Tanzania is that most of the benefits associated with new farmland investments, the commodification of land and the increase of capital flows, are captured by government officials and political elites.

This Master's thesis deals with Sino-Japanese relations. Its aim is to answer to what extent the economic relations between China and Japan are affected by their political disputes, and whether political or economic interests are preferred. The first chapter tries to identify the most influential cultural and historical factors for the contemporary Sino-Japanese relations and also deals with the Senkaku Islands territorial dispute. The second chapter describes the development of the political and economic relations between China and Japan since the Second World War up to the present. The third chapter is dedicated to the future perspectives of the Sino-Japanese political and economic relations and to the changing roles of China and Japan in the Asia-Pacific region.

Main objective of the thesis is to evaluate trade and political relations between the Czech Republic and selected countries in Latin America (selected countries will be those with strongest ties to the Czech Republic). Hypothesis: Trade and political relations between Czech Republic and Latin American Countries are well developing in the course of the time. Latin-American region provides a great potential for future cooperation. Emphasis will be targeted on the assessment of business conditions (including bilateral agreements on mutual trade), further on the most important export commodities and investment opportunities. At the same time, the work will attempt to estimate the level of potential of Latin American territory and further direction of mutual relationships. The research will contain a questionnaire for Czech entrepreneurs operating in Latin America and a thorough analysis of mutual trade will be given. Unfortunately, this subject is not documented with a large number of printed books, therefore, the key source of information will be databases and statistical information published by state institutions (Chamber of Deputies, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Industry and Trade, etc.). Bibliography: [1] AGUIAR DE MEDEIROS, C. (2011): The Political Economy of Institutional Change and Economic Development in Latin American Economies. Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. XLV, No. 2 (June 2011), DOI: 10.2753/JEI0021-3624450205, pg. 289 - 299 [2] Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic: Report on Relationships between the Czech Republic and Latin American Countries and the Role of the Chamber of Deputies in this Process (2010). [3] CHRISTIAN, S. (1997): Latin American Trade Relations. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 39, No. 1, Special Issue: US-Latin American Relations (Spring, 1997), pp. 71 - 83 [4] GÓMEZ-MERA, L. -- BARRETT, B. (2012): The Political Economic of Preferential Trade Agreements: Latin America and Beyond. DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-2456.2012.00147.x. Available at: http://miami.academia.edu/LauraGomezmera/Papers/35945 /The_Political_Economy_of_Preferential_Trade_Agreements_Latin_America_and_Beyond [5] GRINBERG, N. (2010): Where Is Latin American Going? FTAA or "Twenty-first-Century Socialism"?. Latin American Perspective 2010. DOI: 10.1177/0094582X09351713, pg. 185 - 202 [6] SHADLEN, K.C. (2006): Latin American Trade and Development in the New International Economy. Latin American Research Review, Vol. 41, No.3 (2006), pg. 210 - 267

The first chapter of the thesis offers a short theoretical view on relations among small and big states. The second chapter deals with political relations of Estonia and Russia. The chapter also describes beginnings of independent Estonian political scene as well as Russian reactions on the newly given situation. The third chapter looks at security dimension of the Estonian-Russian relations. In the fourth chapter the readers can find information about ethnic minorities in Estonia with emphasis on the Russian minority. The whole mninority issue is put into political, economic, diplomatic and security context. The fifth chapter describes mutual conflicts between Estonia and Russia which appeared in recent past and their consequences on both internal and international political scenes. Economic relations between Estonia and Russian Federation are described in the sixth chapter where one can also find comparison of the basic macroeconomic aggregates and quantification of mutual trade. A part of this chapter is also an analysis of competitiveness of Estonia and Russia. The seventh chapter deals with the reality of mutual crossborder cooperation between Estonia and Russia.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

O objetivo desta dissertação é descrever a disputa territorial entre a República Popular da China (RPC) e a República da China (RC) pelo controle de Taiwan e, analisar as implicações políticas e militares dessa disputa para a relação triangular entre Estados Unidos – RPC – RC. O primeiro capítulo descreve a política interna da RC de 1987 a 2004, abordando o processo de democratização do regime e as características dos novos partidos políticos. O segundo descreve as novas relações políticas entre Taipei e Pequim durante a primeira metade dos anos noventa, quando o governo da RC começou a afastar-se da idéia de reunificação com a China Continental. O capítulo seguinte analisa a crise ocorrida no Estreito de Taiwan em 1995-96, quando a China realizou massivos exercícios militares para forçar o governo norte-americano a mudar sua política diante da RC e, para coagir o eleitorado de Taiwan a votar “contra a independência” nas eleições de 1995 e 1996. O último capítulo analisa o impacto do ataque terrorista de 11 de setembro sobre as relações entre Washington – Pequim – Taipei e, descreve um novo padrão de relacionamento da Casa Branca com as duas partes. / The aim of this dissertation is to describe the territorial dispute between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) for the control of Taiwan, and to analyze the political and military implications of this dispute for the triangular relation among United States – PRC – ROC. The first chapter describes the internal politics of the ROC from 1987 to 2004, approaching the process of democratization of the regime and the features of the new political parties. The second describes the new political relations between Taipei and Beijing during the first half of the nineties years, when the government of the ROC began to go away from the idea of reunification with the Mainland China. The next chapter analyzes the crisis occurred on the Taiwan Strait in 1995-96, when the China did massive military exercises to force American government to change its policy toward ROC, and to coerce the electorate of Taiwan to vote “against independence” on the elections of 1995 and 1996. The last chapter analyzes the impact of the terrorist attack of September 11 over the relations among Washington – Beijing – Taipei and describes a new pattern of relationship of the White House with the two parts.

Cette étude porte sur les relations nouées pendant près de cent trente ans entre deux États princiers du Moyen Âge en construction, la Bretagne et la Bourgogne. Elle s’intéresse au contenu de ces relations, mais également aux moyens et aux hommes utilisés pour les mettre en œuvre. Limitée au domaine politique, elle examine pas moins tout ce qui peut influencer les décisions politiques, en particulier les échanges commerciaux et militaires. La guerre de Cent ans, le conflit entre les Armagnacs et les Bourguignons, le développement des structures étatiques de chacune des principautés puis l’affirmation, à partir de la seconde moitié du XVe siècle, d’une royauté bien décidée à mettre au pas les principautés, en constituent l’arrière-plan. Trois périodes s’en dégagent. La première correspond au règne de Philippe le Hardi (1364-1404). En tissant des liens avec les différentes factions qui se disputent le pouvoir en Bretagne, ce duc de Bourgogne, héritier des comtes de Flandre, parvient à s’imposer comme l’arbitre des conflits bretons, puis comme le régent du duché en 1402. La deuxième pose la question du comportement du duc de Bretagne et de son entourage dans la guerre entre les Armagnacs et les Bourguignons (1404-1435). Elle montre comment les ducs de Bourgogne et de Bretagne établissent alors une alliance durable, qui constitue un des points les plus fixes de leur politique extérieure. Enfin, durant la dernière période (1435-1491), la royauté française reprend de la vigueur. Les ducs de Bretagne et de Bourgogne doivent resserrer leur alliance pour faire face au roi. Celle-ci obtient quelques beaux succès, mais se disloque toujours à l’épreuve de la guerre. / This study covers a period of almost 130 years of relations between Brittany and Burgundy, two princely states developing in the Middle Ages. It focuses both on the content of these relations and on the means and men that helped establish them. While the primary focus is on politics, the study also takes a look at anything that might influence political decisions, particularly trade and military connections. The backdrop for this study is provided by the 100-year war, the Armagnac-Burgundian civil war, the development of a state apparatus in each of theses principalities and, starting in the middle of the 15th century, the growing influence of a crown intent on bringing the principalities to heel. Three periods need to be distinguished. The first period corresponds to the reign of Philip the Bold (1364-1404), duke of Burgundy, heir to the counts of Flanders. Philip the Bold forged ties with the various factions fighting for power in Brittany and thereby managed to establish himself as the arbiter in the conflicts in Brittany, and then as the regent of the dukedom in 1402. The second period covers the Armagnac-Burgundian civil war and looks at the dealings of the duke of Brittany and his entourage. The dukes of Burgundy and Brittany formed a lasting alliance, which constituted one of the most stable elements of their foreign policies. The last period (1435-1491) saw the French crown reassert its power. The dukes of Brittany and Burgundy were forced to tighten their alliance in order to confront the king. The alliance brought them some diplomatic success, but never stood the test of war.