Studies on immigrant women’s political incorporation in Canada suggest that they are less likely to participate politically than immigrant men and Canadian-born women. Many studies have examined the factors that contribute to their lower levels of political participation, yet the impacts of migration experiences have received less attention. To address this gap, this dissertation examines the political incorporation experiences of first-generation immigrant women from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Canada as a case study by employing a trajectory and life course approach to migration to analyze how gendered migration trajectories and experiences influence immigrant women’s political participation in Canada. I also employ La Barbera’s (2012) ‘intersectional-gender’ approach to examine how gender intersects with other social cleavages like race, ethnicity, class, and immigration status to affect immigrant women’s repertoires of political participation. Lastly, I examine how immigrant women may overcome the obstacles imposed by migration and the interlocking systems of oppression in Canada, particularly through the various ways they exercise political agency in the informal political sphere. I draw on life stories interviews with fifteen Congolese women residing in Canada’s metropolitan area of Ottawa-Gatineau. The findings reveal that participants’ migration trajectories to Canada are deeply gendered at the micro, meso, and macro levels, and while most participants felt politically incorporated in Canada, aspects of their gendered migration trajectories limited their participation in the formal political sphere. This includes barriers posed by migration projects, migration types, modes of entry, immigration status, migration experiences, and travelling gender norms from the DRC. However, these barriers generated opportunities for greater participation in the informal political sphere, such as advocacy through ethnocultural and religious groups, protests, school boards, professional networks, and petitions. Furthermore, the findings reveal that participants’ experiences of political marginalization and discrimination in both Canadian society and African immigrant communities, because of their identity as Black Congolese immigrant women, increased their proclivity to participate in informal political activities, as did their socioeconomic status as middle-class immigrant women. The findings make important empirical, analytical, and methodological contributions by providing an original framework for understanding the links between gendered migration trajectories and immigrant women’s political incorporation, enlightening broader understandings of political participation and challenging notions of immigrant women as apolitical, highlighting the understudied impacts of interlocking systems of power on political participation, and disproving the idea that political incorporation is a straightforward process of inclusion and a condition of social cohesiveness.

The current scale and scope of peacekeeping missions is unprecedented and with this increasing reliance on peacekeeping as a tool to manage threats to peace and security come questions about who should keep the peace. Is it, as many assume, the United Nations? Is it a regional organization, such as the African Union? Or is it an individual state? Each of these different types of peacekeeping operations have different strengths and weaknesses associated with them in terms of legitimacy, institutional capacity, local and regional awareness, resources, and military effectiveness. This dissertation analyzes types of peacekeeping operations to determine which is the most effective in restoring peace and stability and why. I use a structured, focused comparative case study methodology to examine eight cases of peacekeeping, across two countries, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone, each of which has been subject to all three types of peacekeeping operations. This approach allows me to hold a number of control variables constant, providing a clear test of the impact of the type of intervention. I found that the type of PKO makes a difference to the success or failure of that mission. PKOs run by lead states are more likely to be successful because they are more willing to use force and they are more likely to have the resources and capabilities necessary to implement that force. Further, I found that two types of PKOs working together can use their strengths to compensate for each other’s weaknesses. I also present a quantitative study with a larger sample size that both substantiates my findings and allows me to generalize them to a wider universe of cases. / Political Science

Yes / Buruli ulcer is a neglected tropical disease of skin and subcutaneous tissue caused by infection with the pathogen Mycobacterium ulcerans. Many critical issues for disease control, such as understanding the mode of transmission and identifying source reservoirs of M. ulcerans, are still largely unknown. Here, we used genomics to reconstruct in detail the evolutionary trajectory and dynamics of M. ulcerans populations at a central African scale and at smaller geographical village scales. Whole-genome sequencing (WGS) data were analyzed from 179 M. ulcerans strains isolated from all Buruli ulcer foci in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, The Republic of Congo, and Angola that have ever yielded positive M. ulcerans cultures. We used both temporal associations and the study of the mycobacterial demographic history to estimate the contribution of humans as a reservoir in Buruli ulcer transmission. Our phylogeographic analysis revealed one almost exclusively predominant sublineage of M. ulcerans that arose in Central Africa and proliferated in its different regions of endemicity during the Age of Discovery. We observed how the best sampled endemic hot spot, the Songololo territory, became an area of endemicity while the region was being colonized by Belgium (1880s). We furthermore identified temporal parallels between the observed past population fluxes of M. ulcerans from the Songololo territory and the timing of health policy changes toward control of the Buruli ulcer epidemic in that region. These findings suggest that an intervention based on detecting and treating human cases in an area of endemicity might be sufficient to break disease transmission chains, irrespective of other reservoirs of the bacterium.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This is a systematic and critical study of the mission of the Kimbanguist Church in the city of Lubumbashi in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The research question was: “How do the Kimbanguist members interpret and express the Christian message in and for the context of Katanga province through their communal life, worship and mission?” A historical chapter traces the origins and growth of the church, followed by four chapters that analyze the mission of the church by means of a ‘praxis cycle.’ The chapters look at mission strategies (leadership, church departments, mission methods), followed by mission agents (spiritual head, clergy, chaplains, women, youth), the theological sources of mission (the Bible, the life of Simon Kimbangu, and a code of conduct) and spirituality (liturgy, sacraments, pilgrimages and festivals). In a concluding chapter several critical issues were identified for critical dialogue between the Kimbanguist church and other African churches. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Cette thèse propose une analyse de l’emploi informel en RDC sous l’hypothèse d’une segmentation. Partant d’un questionnement qui se réfère aux conditions d’émergence et de prolifération d’emplois informels amplifiés par la crise structurelle que traverse ce pays, laquelle a détruit l’emploi formel, cette thèse réfute l’unicité de l’informel à l’intérieur du marché du travail de la RDC et analyse plutôt son hétérogénéité, en s’appuyant sur les analyses de Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) et Bacchetta et al (2009).Cette évidence a justifié la combinaison des théories de l’informalité et de la segmentation, suivie d’une exploitation de deux types de données mutuellement enrichissantes : les données quantitatives de l’enquête 1-2-3 et les données qualitatives collectées sur le terrain d’une activité spécifique : le marché des matériels d’occasion d’Europe, appelés « bilokos » en RDC. Les résultats de cette double exploitation ont permis de caractériser l’informalité d’emplois segmentée, notion forgée et mise en œuvre dans le cadre d’une analyse empirique de l’emploi informel reposant sur deux niveaux : les Caractéristiques de l’Activité (C.A.), et les Profils des Entrepreneurs (P.E.) représentant les variables explicatives d’analyses faites dans cette thèse. Les méthodes mixtes qualitative et quantitative utilisées dans cette thèse valident l’existence d’une segmentation en quatre types au sein des Unités de Production Informelles en RDC, selon plusieurs critères, dont le volume du chiffre d’affaires de leurs activités, en particulier. / This thesis analyses informal employment in the DRC under the assumption of a segmentation. We start with a description of the underlying conditions explaining the emergence, and then spread of informal jobs, which is mainly driven by a structural crisis and the destruction of formal employment in the DRC. The thesis then proposes to reject the uniqueness of the informal sector within the DRC labor market and analyzes its heterogeneity, based on the analyzes of Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) and Bacchetta et al. (2009).The thesis therefore highlights the relevance of combining the theories of informality and of segmentation to analyse informal employment in DRC, and applies this framework to two mutually enriching datasets: the 1-2-3 survey, which is quantitative, and qualitative data that we collected in the field and focused on a specific activity: an emerging market for second-hand equipment coming from Europe and called "bilokos" in DRC.The results from these two types of data allow to characterize what we call “the informality of segmented jobs”, a concept that we empirically apply with two levels of analysis: the Characteristics of the informal Activity (C.A.)., and the Profiles of the informal Entrepreneurs (P.E.). Mixed qualitative and quantitative methods allow us to characterize a segmentation in Informal Production Units along four types ranging from lower income to higher income.

No description available.

The complementarity regime created by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) marked a radical departure for international criminal justice. It represented a significant break with the Westphalian state system of national sovereignty and a step towards a regime of global governance based on the rule of law. The ICC is rooted in a Kantian notion of cosmopolitan justice where there is a need for a response to state failures to eliminate gross human rights violations. However, it has also been seen as a post-colonial court representing the hegemony of western justice and western authority over local traditions, particularly in the Islamic world. The operation of the operation of the complementarity regime does not reflect all types of juridical traditions and is therefore viewed with suspicion by nations with different criminal justice ideologies and policies. This thesis examines the practical and moral legitimacy of the complementarity regime of the ICC from two possible perspectives, both of which in their different ways support the idea of universal jurisdiction. Kant's moral philosophy represents the western justification for the regime, whereas the tradition of Islamic Shari'a epitomises the potential resistance from the developing world. Through an analysis of the exercise of prosecutorial discretion under the complementarity regime in relation to the Ituri region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Darfur situation in Sudan, the thesis examines both the logistics of the decision-making in these cases, as well as the moral justifications for intervention. The fieldwork included a six month programme of participant observation and interviewing in the Office of the ICC Prosecutor in The Hague. The ICC is an independent court with a global jurisdiction which grants the Prosecutor a broad discretion to apply the complementarity regime to meet the expectations of the entire international community, regardless of the status, national origin or state citizenship of the accused. This thesis argues that a careful consideration of the moral case for the exercise of authority under the complementarity regime is important and depends upon an understanding of the inherent differences between the Rome Statute and national justice systems. The research highlights the fact that moral obligations do not end at national borders. It asserts that a credible complementarity mechanism requires the effective prosecution of international crimes in a manner which is legitimate in terms of local culture and traditions. Otherwise, as the research demonstrates, the Court will enjoy little support, particularly as enforcement has so far focused only on Islamic or less developed countries.

Background: War disproportionately affects women and children, and gender based violence (GBV) has become an increasingly common means of fighting wars and targeting civilians. Such is the case in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), particularly in the eastern provinces, where among the multitude of human rights violations, sexual violence and abuses against women and girls are committed on a large scale. Documented efforts addressing GBV in refugee communities have mainly focused on medical, programmatic, and legal responses; few studies explore the prevalence of GBV among conflict-affected populations. Objective: To determine the prevalence and correlates of outsider violence during and after conflict, and lifetime and past year intimate partner violence (IPV). To determine differences in the proportions of violence victimizations, including the differences in the proportions of outsider violence during and after conflict, and the differences in the proportions of lifetime and past year IPV. To describe patterns of reporting and healthcare seeking related to violence victimization. Methods: Cross sectional data were obtained from a sample of 810 women of reproductive age (WRA) living in two Rwandese refugee camps. GBV was defined as physical violence, sexual violence, or controlling behavior that is committed by intimate partners (IPV) or persons outside the family (outsider violence). Univariate analysis was used to describe the study population as a whole. The chi-square test for independence was used to measure significant differences between women who had identified experiencing GBV and those who did not. A z-test was conducted to explore differences in the proportions of outsider violence during and after conflict, and lifetime and past year IPV. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted to assess the unadjusted and adjusted associations between GBV and select variables of interest during and after conflict. Statistical analyses were conducted using SPSS version 14.0 Results: 434 WRA experienced GBV; of which 399 reported experiencing outsider violence before and after conflict, and 130 reported experiencing IPV. The logistical model indicated that there was a consistently significant association between a period of one to five years spent in a refugee camp and outsider violence during conflict (Adj.OR= 0.16; 95%CI:0.10-0.27; P <0.0001), lifetime IPV (Adj.OR=0.17;95%CI:0.10-0.32, p<0.0001), and IPV in the last year (Adj.OR= 0.15;95%CI:0.08-0.28, p<0.0001). Discussion: The results of this study illustrate the importance of assessing the impact of conflict on GBV among refugee and displaced populations. The high prevalence of GBV among this study population, with a prevalence of 53.3% for all forms of violence, is evidence of the great burden GBV poses on this population. Ongoing violence generated by conflict is a major public health concern that urgently requires effective interventions. For example, legal, health, and psycho-social services should be well integrated to adequately screen and address the needs of violence survivors.

No study has so far documented the characteristics of a military strategy based on offensive operations and whether they influence the security situation in the areas in which they are launched. Yet, it seems extremely important to study because there is a growing trend in Peacekeeping Operations of becoming more robust in the use of force by applying this kind of military strategy. This study aims to develop a new theory to explain the short and long term effects of applying a military strategy based on offensive operations which are politically restrained in the use of force and asks to what extent it affects it. Deriving from war and peace research, this study argues that when a strategy based on restrained offensive operations is applied, it is likely that stability improves in the short term but deteriorates in the long term presenting a ‘V’ shape effect. This is because the political restriction on the use of force does not allow achieving a decisive victory. Using the method of structured focused comparison, most similar case, the suggested hypothesis is tested on two UN sectors belonging to the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The results show some support for the theorized relationship, although the ‘V’ shape was less pronounced than expected. Hence, further research is needed to refine the causal mechanism suggested. This study does not provide empirical evidence, neither should be interpreted that in order to make Peacekeeping Operations more effective it is necessary to conduct full-fledge offensive operations.