Architectural historians have always seen the Islamic city and Islamic house as unsystematic in design and layout. In this work I show that there is a basic spatial symbolism predating, and then adopted by, Islam, based on three major concepts. The first is that there is a residual notion of center as something sacred; secondly that instead of dichotomies or binary oppositions space in Islamic architecture is a continuum and lastly that the center of the center, whether or not it has any visible symbolism, (fountain for example) is an axis mundi, or vertical axis to the heavens. These features are seen not just in urban and housing designs, but also in mosques, madrassas, and garden layouts.

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Nonviolent resistance has been found to be more effective in bringing about societal and political transformation than violent insurgency. Nonviolent resistance as a nonconventional form of engagement in conflict, furthermore attracts more people, encourages diversity in participation, has the moral high ground and has positive longterm effects on a society, in terms of citizenship skills, civilian peace and democratisation. However, a discourse of militarism and violence can be said to dominate the world today. Macropolitical incompatibilities are often confronted with arms and violence, whether by political leaders or civilians. This thesis aspires to challenge this violent discourse, and encourage the move towards nonviolent approaches to confronting and circumventing power and authority, by exploring the mechanisms at work in nonviolent resistance movements, and attain a deeper understanding of which elements of nonviolent resistance movements may be supportive of achieving the aim of the collective action for change. The methodological approach is conducting a qualitative, deductive study within the framework of a structured, focused cross-case comparison of four nonviolent, anti-regime movements in the Middle East and North Africa, which have taken place in the 21st century. The findings reveal the ambiguous and context-dependent nature of most of the elements scrutinised for their operativeness, and yield suggestive tendencies of few - while they offer a nuanced insight into the dynamics within which these elements work in nonviolent conflict. This study explores the phenomenon of nonviolent resistance, provides an understanding of the complexity of the mechanisms and dynamics involved, and suggests the need for further research into nonviolent resistance, to improve the understanding and utilisation of it.

The objective of this thesis is to analyse the British Mandate in Palestine with a view to developing a new understanding of the interconnections and dissonances between the principal agencies. Through a critical examination of British government papers the thesis argues that the moment of the British Mandate in Palestine signalled a new phase in the development of British imperialism constituting a rupture with the colonialist past and the advent of a new type of imperialist relationship. The encounter between this new-imperialism which developed from the end of the nineteenth century and a Palestinian society which was in the process of transformation between a predominantly pre-capitalist agricultural society into a commodity producing capitalist one engendered a conflictual environment dislocating the economic, social and political structures that existed. The Balfour Declaration constituted an agreement between British imperialism and organised Zionism which was the establishment of a symbiotic relationship emerging from the coalescence of two interdependent political goals. The British, intent on preserving their position as an imperial hegemon perceived the occupation of Palestine as a critical component of their strategy and a vital adjunct of their objective of remaining the dominant force in the region of the Near East. The combined aspects of this strategy cannot be reduced to but may be expressed as: a desire to retain untrammelled communications through the Suez Canal with the Empire at large; a pre-occupation with seeking to establish a dominant position in respect of the exploitation and marketisation of oil and the implantation of a colonising surrogate to act as the agency through which its objectives might be mediated. The Zionist objective, to create a National Home for the Jews, constituted a nationalist endeavour premised on the acquisition of an imperialist sponsor. The British course of action through the implementation of the Mandate constituted an intervention which distorted and gravely damaged the evolution of the economic, social and political life of the indigenous Palestinians. The thesis in analysing these events in a new way argues for a fresh appreciation of the origin and character of the British Mandate in Palestine.

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This thesis examines the development and mechanics of the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan (northern Iraq). Since 1991, a de facto state system has been in existence in this region, a situation exists which has few precedents and no present-day comparison. The political system of Iraqi Kurdistan is identified as possessing political parties, electoral procedures, a national assembly, and organs of governance and administration. To understand this political system, the structures, decisionmaking processes and political history of the major political parties are analysed. Historically, the Kurds have never possessed a state. However, following the Gulf War of 1990-1991 and the withdrawal of the Government. of Iraq (GOI) from Iraqi Kurdistan, an indigenous emergency administration was established by the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (IKF), followed by multi-party elections in 1992. The administrative vacuum forced the militia-style political parties into governing the territory. Such a task brought parties supposedly representing different strata of Kurdish society together in a volatile coalition resulting in a equal sharing of power. However, interfactional fighting in 1994 resulting in the Kurdish region being divided between the two most powerful political parties (the KDP and PUK), with the system being further complicated by a multitude of smaller political parties and groupings. A theme which is developed throughout the thesis is that the successful peaceful political development of the Iraqi Kurdish region may be achieved by employing a variant of a consociational system of governance. It is argued that a major component of a peaceful political settlement has to include elite accommodation within the governmental structure which is acceptable to the geopolitical thinking of neighbouring states and influencing powers, as well as being able to administer the Iraqi Kurdish region in this difficult period for the whole of Iraq. A modified powersharing system may possibly allow for such political development to take place, later allowing the KDP and PUK to once again unify the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan.