Les recherches portant sur les fora provinciaux effectuées au cours des dernières décennies ont permis de redéfinir un certain nombre de leurs caractéristiques. L’étude du décor de ces centres civiques dans sa globalité constitue alors une approche susceptible d’apporter une meilleure compréhension de ces espaces. Cette première approche du sujet a pour objectif d’aborder la question du dialogue entre les images présentes sur le forum et leurs contextes. Le décor figuratif permet de définir les principales thématiques, qui sont souvent complétées par des décors non figuratifs, et qui participent à la diffusion de l’idéologie impériale. Ce décor doit ensuite être contextualisé, afin d’en comprendre la conception, et d’aborder la question de sa réception par le spectateur. / Over the last few decades, studies on provincial fora defined some of their characteristics. A global approach of their decor can bring about a better understanding of these spaces. The link between the images and their contexts will be examined. The study of the images will be associated with the study of non iconographical elements of the decor in order to define the main themes represented on the fora. The definition of several contexts will help to understand how the decor was conceived and seen at the time.

Thesis title: Magisterial powers in Ancient Rome in the period of Principate The aim of this thesis is to provide a systematic overview of the image of the Imperial administration and palace offices during the times of the Principate during the first three centuries of Common Era. Their enumeration, powers and administrative agenda are described chronologically according to their presumed and documented origin in the reigns of the respective Emperors and dynasties, together with the most significant administrative policy and reforms of individual sovereigns. The description of the Imperial cabinet is set to a basic historical context, which sheds more light on the eventual motivation and reasoning behind the creation or abolition of individual offices or the enactment of the appropriate reform since the ascension of Octavianus to the throne until the overview of fundamental changes of state administration during the reign of Diocletianus. The Imperial administration played a significant role during the principate era. Although it was not officially institutionalized until the reign of Claudius and its image and organisation was not perfected until Hadrianus during the second century CE, since the very beginning of the Principate, the imperial magistracies helped with the development of the Empire...

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Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The Roman Emperor Trajan, who ruled the Roman Empire from 98 CE – 117 CE has always been remembered as one of the good Emperors. The few ancient sources that mention Trajan, namely Pliny the Younger and Cassius Dio, compose a glowing portrait of the Emperor when describing his deeds and abilities. Part of the explanation for such a positive portrayal can surely be accounted for by the comparison of Trajan to one of his predecessors Domitian (who ruled from 51 CE – 96 CE). Domitian came to be memorialized as one of the most hated Emperor of the Principate, especially because of his scornful and suspicious attitude towards the Senate and his pillaging of the Roman provinces for the purpose of his own profit. In a time when the empire was expanding and expert diplomatic and strategic capability was necessary for an Emperor to possess, Domitian’s shortcomings were particularly harmful to Rome and her subjects. Thus when Trajan took control, many Romans must have looked to him to continue the improvements initiated by Domitian’s brief successor Nerva and repair the damage done to the empire. Pliny the younger, an influential and wealthy senatorial aristocrat, was one such Roman who looked to the new Emperor with hope and ambition for better times. During Pliny’s tenure as governor of the province of Bithynia and Pontus from roughly 110-112/3 CE, he exchanged many letters with Trajan which were subsequently collected and published as the tenth book of Pliny’s Letters. These letters generally take the form of advice sought by Pliny about the governance of the province, followed by a concise reply from the Emperor directing Pliny’s actions (or, at times, suggesting that Pliny himself choose the best way to proceed). Previous scholarship has primarily addressed the letters as a “self-fashioning text” (cf. Carlos Noreña and Philip Stadter, among others), but generally ignores the very active role Pliny plays in carefully constructing a particular representation of Trajan. Using this correspondence as a platform on which to create an image of the Princeps, Pliny expertly invents a particular portrait of Trajan that portrays the Emperor as a master at senatorial relations and management of the provinces. By allowing Trajan to perform this role, as is evidenced in the letters of Book 10, Pliny creates our most complete and compelling portrayal of this Emperor which serves both Pliny and Trajan’s interests for posterity. / text

This thesis is a historical and historiographical commentary on Book 57 (Chs. 1-17.8) of Cassius Dio's Roman History. It comprises two sections, an Introduction followed by the Commentary itself. The introduction is sub-divided into three chapters. The first of these introductory chapters (The Roman Historian at Work) presents a discussion of the historical material available for Dio's Tiberian narrative, and a discussion of the factors which were instrumental in Dio's writing and shaping his narrative of the reign of Tiberius. The second chapter (Dio on Tiberius) is an analysis of Dio's portrayal of Tiberius and of the historian’s understanding of Tiberius in the historical context of the early Principate. These chapters are followed by some brief Notes on the Text of Book 57, which considers the manuscript tradition of Book 57, and comments on portrayal of the reign of Tiberius in the Dionian tradition, and in particular the Excerpta Constantiniana, Xiphilinus, and Zonaras. The second part of the thesis, the commentary, presents an analysis of Dio's narrative from both historical and historiographical perspectives.

Le phénomène de la romanisation étant des plus complexe, il est donc nécessaire de se concentrer sur un seul de ses aspects, mais aussi sur un espace géographique restreint : la diffusion de la citoyenneté romaine en Afrique proconsulaire. Quels sont ses mécanismes et ses processus? Quels sont les motifs pour Rome ou pour les indigènes? Finalement, quels sont les impacts de cette diffusion sur les individus ainsi que sur leur cité? Ultimement, y a-t-il eu une romanisation de l’Afrique par la diffusion de la citoyenneté romaine? Voilà les questions qui ont été posées à travers l’étude des cas de Thugga et de Lepcis Magna. Finlement, il semble que l’empereur ainsi que les notables locaux furent des moteurs importants de cette diffusion, que les motifs pouvaient être stratégiques ou culturels pour l’empereur, mais surtout fiscaux pour les notables et que le principal impact, autant sur les individus que sur la cité, fut bel et bien la transformation, voire la romanisation juridique, de l’Afrique romaine. / Because of the Romanization phenomenon's complexity, it is necessary to focus on a single aspect, and a defined area : the spread of Roman citizenship in Africa proconsularis. What are its mechanisms and processes? What are the reasons for Rome or for the natives? Finally, what are the impacts of this diffusion on the individuals and communities? Ultimately, was there a Romanization of Africa through the spread of Roman citizenship? These are the questions that were asked through the study of Leptis Magna and Thugga cases. In the end, it seems that the emperor and community leaders were important drivers of this spread, while the emperor's motives were more strategic or cultural, they were for the community leaders, mostly economical, the main impact on both the individuals and the communities, was indeed the transformation or the jural romanization of Roman Africa.

This thesis explores ancient ideas regarding the constructive properties of intoxicating drinks, as presented in Greco-Roman sources from the first to third centuries AD. In doing so, it responds to Mary Douglas' Constructive Drinking (1987), which emphasised that, contrary to anthropological findings, many societies' authorities tend to focus upon, and overemphasise, the destructive aspects of alcohol consumption. This pattern is particularly prevalent in modern Western scholarship. The same trend can be detected within both Greco-Roman society and classical scholarship. Although many Greeks and Romans undoubtedly consumed quantities of wine, on a regular basis, in a manner which was widely considered 'moderate', the literary evidence from this period tends to focus most heavily upon excessive and/or destructive drinking. Similarly, much of the modern scholarship which addresses drinking in the Roman Empire focuses upon drunkenness and the destructive aspects of drinking. Yet it is clear that Greco-Roman society considered wine consumption to be significantly beneficial, in a wide variety of ways, provided that moderation was employed. The destructive consequences of drinking were almost exclusively associated with excessive and inappropriate consumption. In reaction to this bias in the sources and scholarship, this thesis undertakes a re-reading of the ancient evidence through the 'Constructive Drinking' lens. It identifies and explores the ways in which the Greeks and Romans of this period considered drinking to be important, useful, or otherwise 'constructive' to the individual and society. Where possible, this thesis attempts to identify how important and widespread such beliefs were. This thesis has two main areas of focus. First, the ways in which intoxicating drink was considered to be constructive for an individual's health and wellbeing. Second, the ways in which intoxicating drink was considered to be of social benefit to both individuals and groups. This thesis accordingly provides a fresh perspective on drinking in antiquity, and illustrates the methodological significance of the Constructive Drinking lens for future research.

La dynastie des Flaviens est souvent mal connue et appréciée en raison de sa situation chronologique, « coincée » entre la famille des descendants de César et d’Auguste et celle allant de Trajan à Marc Aurèle. Elle passe parfois pour une simple dynastie de « transition » qui aurait uniquement servi de passerelle entre deux familles considérées comme plus brillantes qui ont par ailleurs laissé un souvenir plus durable. En un peu plus d’un quart de siècle (69-96), Vespasien, Titus et Domitien ont pourtant davantage fait pour la stabilité de Rome et de l’Empire que certains de leurs prédécesseurs ou successeurs. Sorti vainqueur des troubles civils de l’année des quatre empereurs (68-69), Vespasien ramena la paix en Orient et en Italie en plus de s’attacher à stabiliser les institutions et de reconstituer les finances de l’État, passablement écornées par les dernières années du Principat de Néron (54-68) et la guerre civile elle-même. Plus que la paix et la stabilité à l’intérieur et aux frontières de l’Empire, il fit cependant en sorte de refonder les bases institutionnelles du Principat en assumant sa transformation en un régime monarchique et héréditaire. Un principe parfaitement admis puisque ses deux fils adultes, Titus et Domitien, lui succédèrent sans difficulté. Davantage peut-être que les récits laissés par les sources littéraires anciennes, les inscriptions romaines et italiennes ainsi que les monnaies émises par l’atelier de Rome sont probablement le meilleur témoignage permettant de saisir le plus précisément et le plus profondément l’idée que les Flaviens se faisaient d’eux-mêmes et du pouvoir dont ils étaient investis. Le contenu de leur titulature officielle comme leurs choix iconographiques permettent ainsi de dégager leurs différents thèmes de propagande qui laissent finalement apparaitre une vraie continuité dans leur idéologie du pouvoir et leur manière de gouverner. Vespasien a ainsi posé des fondations idéologiques et politiques que ses fils ont globalement poursuivies et respectées, ce qui renforce l’idée selon laquelle les Flaviens ont effectivement suivi un « programme » qui les distinguait de leurs prédécesseurs et de leurs successeurs. Malgré des différences parfois importantes dans leurs pratiques, les inscriptions et l’iconographie monétaire permettent ainsi de mettre en lumière le fait que Titus et Domitien ont finalement moins cherché à faire preuve d’originalité qu’à s’inscrire dans la continuité de l’œuvre de leur père afin de garantir le maintien de la paix et avec elle la prospérité et la stabilité de l’État, et avec elles la satisfaction et la tranquillité de l’ensemble de la société. / The Flavian dynasty is not the most famous of the imperial families who ruled the Roman Empire, especially because it seems to be badly located between two more prestigious dynasties: the descendants of Julius Caesar and Augustus, and those, to Marcus Aurelius, of Trajan. Moreover, the Flavian are sometimes considered only as insignificant because of the shortness of the time they stayed at power. However, for a little more than a quarter century (69-96), Vespasian, Titus and Domitian worked a lot, and more than some of their predecessors or successors, to ensure the stability of Rome and of the entire Empire. Winner of the Year of Four Emperors (68-69), Vespasian brought back peace in the East and in Italy, and intended to stabilize the institutions and restore the finances of the State, partly ruined by the last years of Nero’s reign and the civil war. More than peace and stability, inside the Empire and on the borders, he ruled to rebuild the institutional basis of the Principate by assuming its transformation into a monarchic and hereditary regime. This idea was wholly admitted because his two adult sons, Titus and Domitian, succeeded him with no difficulty. Perhaps more than the account of the ancient literary sources, Italian and Roman inscriptions and coins from the mint of Rome are the best testimony allowing us to catch, accurately and deeply, how the Flavian were considering themselves and the power they had. The content of their official titulature alongside with the iconography of their coins are helpful to determine the themes of their propaganda from which appears a real continuity in their ideology and their way of ruling power. Vespasian laid ideological and political foundations that his two sons globally respected and pursued, reinforcing the idea that the Flavians had their own « political program » which distinguished them from the predecessors and successors. Despite some differences in their practices, sometimes big, the inscriptions and monetary iconography of Titus and Domitian were finally less original than an attempt to pursue their father’s work in order to guarantee the peacekeeping, and with it, the stability and the prosperity of the State, and beyond, the satisfaction and calmness of the whole society.

The thesis deals with the image of mediaval roman king and emperor and his power during the first half of the 11. century, as depicted in Wipo's work Gesta Chuonradi II. imperatoris. Conrad II., the first salian ruler is used as a model example of an ideal sovereign. The analysis of Conrad's image covers his reign as a king till his death, with peculiar focus on the forming of Conrad's empire, internal and foreign policy especially towards Italy and Burgundy. Furthemore the thesis concerns the discrepancy between reality and idealized behaviour of the ruler outlined in Wipo's work, as it was intended as an emperor's praise and as a guidebook for successor to the throne. Keywords: Wipo, Conrad II., ruler's image, Roman empire in 1. st half of 11. century.