yes / Thomas S. Kuhn is famous both for his work on the Copernican Revolution and his ‘paradigm’ view of scientific revolutions. But Kuhn later abandoned the notion of paradigm (and related notions) in favour of a more ‘evolutionary’ view of the history of science. Kuhn’s position therefore moved closer to ‘continuity’ models of scientific progress, for instance ‘chain-of-reasoning’ models, originally championed by D. Shapere. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the debate around Kuhn’s new ‘developmental’ view and to evaluate these competing models with reference to some major innovations in the history of cosmology, from Copernicanism to modern cosmology. This evaluation is made possible through some unexpected overlap between Kuhn’s earlier discontinuity model and various versions of the later continuity models. It is the thesis of this paper that the ‘chain-of-reasoning’ model accounts better for the cosmological evidence than both Kuhn’s early paradigm model and his later developmental view of the history of science.

In this dissertation, I explore a selection of recent work in the philosophy and history of experiment, with an eye toward reformulating its focus and redirecting its future path. Specifically, I re-examine a traditional problem in the philosophy of experiment: how to make sense of scientists' attempts to separate experimental “signal” or “entity” from background “noise” or “artifact.” This aspect of the analysis of the practice of scientists—the day to day task of getting one's experimental equipment and techniques to give reliable results that will be accepted by prevailing scientific standards—requires modifications in order to be made compatible with an adequate notion of historiography and with a philosophically and historically tenable view of scientific epistemology. I show that the concept of historical narrative is a crucial, if not primary, construct in answering these questions about interpreting experimental practice. Particular historical narratives, and the historiographies that guide their construction, constitute the crucial evidence for any legitimate view of the epistemological and cultural significance of scientific experimentation. However, narrativity and historiography must be deconstructed before their conceptual significance for experimentation can be evaluated adequately. The metahistorical construct I implement in order to analyze questions concerning scientific experimentation is the technological infrastructure of science.Joseph Pitt's concept of the technological infrastructure of science, a material/cultural network of artifacts and structures that enables and sustains the mature sciences, provides the theoretical foundation for my analysis of experimentation. I extend and refine Pitt's concept of technological infrastructure in order to create a metahistorical tool that researchers in many fields, including Science and Technology Studies (STS), Philosophy of Science, Philosophy of Technology, Cultural Studies (of Science and Technology), History of Science, and History of Technology, may utilize when analyzing experimentation. To this end, I develop the technological infrastructure as an incorporation, extension and/or replacement of, for example, Thomas Kuhn's “disciplinary matrix,” Bruno Latour's “network,” Peter Galison's “ short-, middle-, and long-term constraints,” Ian Hacking's “coherence of thought, action, materials, marks,” Hans-Jörg Rheinberger's “experimental system,” Andrew Pickering's “mangle of practice,” and Richard M. Burian's “interaction of mechanisms, of structures and functions, at a great many levels.” / Ph. D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sonia Regina Tonetto.pdf: 1372040 bytes, checksum: 8041dda5cc94d8c48e9bf949419c38de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to analyze the ideas about methods of teaching science in the early twentieth advocated by prominent scientists as Marcellin Berthelot, Paul Langevin and Henri Poincaré and the important contribution of these scientists in the reform of French teaching, 1902. Furthermore, we sought to understand the difficulties faced in teaching in French schools of that period, we sought to also to understand what these scientists believed to be the ideal science teaching method and the influence of positivist ideas in these discussions. We analyzed in particular the role of Co-operative Education of Mme Curie (1907-1908) and the objectives of the group of teachers, including Paul Langevin, which was involved in the discussions on the reform. This work was developed from the analysis of documents filed at the Institut Curie and at Bibliothèque Nationale de France, texts and books written by scholars and scientists, with direct and indirect participation in the reform, records of lectures, articles and manuscripts of the children who participated in the cooperative, as Isabelle Chavannes and Irène Curie / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as ideias sobre métodos de ensino de ciências, no início do século XX, defendidas por cientistas de destaque, como Marcellin Berthelot, Paul Langevin e Henri Poincaré e a importante participação desses cientistas na reforma do ensino francês de 1902. Além disso, procurou-se entender as dificuldades enfrentadas no ensino nas escolas francesas daquele período, compreendendo o que esses cientistas acreditavam ser o método ideal para o ensino de ciências e a influência das ideias positivistas nessas discussões. Analisa-se em particular o papel da Cooperativa de Ensino de Mme Curie (1907-1908) e os objetivos do grupo de professores que, como Paul Langevin, se envolveu nos debates sobre a reforma. Este trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir da análise de documentos depositados no Institut Curie e na Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, textos da época, livros escritos por estudiosos e cientistas com participação direta e indireta na reforma, registros de conferências, artigos publicados, manuscritos das crianças que participaram da cooperativa, como Isabelle Chavannes e Irène Curie

This thesis combines a philosophical interpretation of Epicurean attitudes to language with literary analysis of the language of DRN. Chapters 1-2 describe Epicurean attitudes to diachronic and synchronic linguistic phenomena. In the first chapter I claim that the Epicurean account of the first stage of the development of language involves pre-rational humans acting under a ‘strong’ form of compulsion. The analogies with which Lucretius describes this process were motivated by a structural similarity between the Epicurean accounts of phylogenetic and ontogenetic psychology. Chapter 2 explores the Epicurean account of word use and recognition, central to which are ‘conceptions’. These are attitudes which express propositions; they are not mental images. Προλήψεις, a special class of conception, are self-evidently true basic beliefs about how objects in the world are categorized which, alongside the non-doxastic criteria of perceptions and feelings, play a foundational role in enquiry. Chapter 3 offers a reconstruction of an Epicurean theory of metaphor. Metaphor, for Epicureans, involves the subordination of additional conceptions to words to create secondary meanings. Secondary meanings are to be understood by referring back to primary meanings. Accordingly, Lucretius’ use of metaphor regularly involves the juxtaposition in the text of primary and secondary uses of terms. An account of conceptual metaphor in DRN is given in which the various conceptual domains from which Lucretius draws his metaphorical language are mapped and explored. Chapter 4 presents a new argument against ‘atomological’ readings of Lucretius’ atoms/letters analogies. Lucretian implicit etymologies involve the illustration, via juxtaposition, of language change across time. This is fully in keeping with the Epicurean account of language development. Chapter 5 describes Lucretius’ reflections on and interactions with the Greek language. I suggest that the study of lexical Hellenisms in DRN must be sensitive to the distinction between lexical borrowing and linguistic code-switching. I then give an account of morphological calquing in the poem, presenting it as a significant but overlooked strategy for Lucretian vocabulary-formation.

As computers become a more prevalent commodity in mathematical research and mathematical proof, the question of whether or not a computer assisted proof can be considered a mathematical proof has become an ongoing topic of discussion in the mathematics community. The use of the computer in mathematical research leads to several implications about mathematics in the present day including the notion that mathematical proof can be based on empirical evidence, and that some mathematical conclusions can be achieved a posteriori instead of a priori, as most mathematicians have done before. While some mathematicians are open to the idea of a computer-assisted proof, others are skeptical and would feel more comfortable if presented with a more traditional proof, as it is more surveyable. A surveyable proof enables mathematicians to see the validity of a proof, which is paramount for mathematical growth, and offer critique. In my thesis, I will present the role that the mathematical proof plays within the mathematical community, and thereby conclude that because of the dynamics of the mathematical community and the constant activity of proving, the risks that are associated with a mistake that stems from a computer-assisted proof can be caught by the scrupulous activity of peer review in the mathematics community. Eventually, as the following generations of mathematicians become more trained in using computers and in computer programming, they will be able to better use computers in producing evidence, and in turn, other mathematicians will be able to both understand and trust the resultant proof. Therefore, it remains that whether or not a proof was achieved by a priori or a posteriori, the validity of a proof will be determined by the correct logic behind it, as well as its ability to convince the members of the mathematical community—not on whether the result was reached a priori with a traditional proof, or a posteriori with a computer-assisted proof.

André Du Laurens (1558-1609), professeur à la prestigieuse Université de Montpellier et futur premier médecin de Henri IV, fait publier en 1594 les Discours de la conservation de la vue, des maladies mélancoliques, des catarrhes et de la vieillesse. C’est dans ce recueil que se trouve Le second discours des maladies mélancoliques et du moyen de les guérir, le pendant français de l’Anatomy of Melancholy de Robert Burton, et la première monographie sur le sujet dans notre langue. Ce manuel pratique synthétise, à la fin de l’Humanisme, le savoir médico-moral sur le traitement de l’illusoire « humeur noire », réputée projeter les esprits affaiblis dans la prostration, la démence et la pulsion suicidaire. L’ouvrage mêle des descriptions pathologiques insolites à des anecdotes pittoresques et des ordonnances saugrenues, le tout en une langue transparente, libérée des tics de l’écriture érudite. Tombé dans l’oubli après de nombreuses rééditions et traductions à travers tout le Grand Siècle, nous l’offrons aujourd’hui pour la première fois au lecteur moderne qui y verra comme un bréviaire plaisant venu de la préhistoire de la psychopathologie et offrant un jour inattendu et indispensable à la généalogie de nos inquiétudes et de nos mélancolies modernes. / It is in 1594 that André Du Laurens (1558-1609), professor at Montpellier University and future physician to Henri IV first published his Discours de la conservation de la vue, des maladies mélancoliques, des catarrhes et de la vieillesse. The Discours des maladies mélancoliques [A Discourse of Melancholic Diseases], which forms part of this volume, is the first medical guide book on melancholy written directly in French. Appearing at the end of the Renaissance, it synthesizes fifteen centuries of medical and moral knowledge on the treatment of the dreaded and yet illusory black bile, thought to be at the origin of numerous fears, sorrows, dementia and suicide attempts. It also represents the French source of (and counterpart to) Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, which was to be published only three decades later (1621). Du Laurens’ work brings together odd and often hilarious pathological descriptions with improbable therapies and prescriptions in a language which is easy to understand, and far removed from the complex medical jargon. Reprinted throughout the 17th century, but forgotten thereafter, we now present the modern reader with this unusual medical treatise from the prehistory of psychopathology, a text that will help us better grasp and understand the long genealogy of all our sorrows and modern melancholies.

This thesis examines the role of microscope technology in informing medical and anatomical knowledge during the Enlightenment. Past historians have claimed that microscopy generally stagnated until the popularisation of achromatic microscopes and cell theory in the middle of the nineteenth century. As evidence for this decline, historians have pointed to the poor quality and slow development of microscope designs until the popularisation of achromatic microscopes in the 1820s. In contrast, this thesis highlights the role of specific Enlightenment-era microscopes in answering medical and anatomical questions. It suggests that medical microscopy was far more advanced than previous scholarship has ascertained. Thus far, instrument historians have focused more attention on competing instrument makers as opposed to rival instrument users. This thesis presents several case studies which explore both makers and users. These concern the histories of Enlightenment-era epidemiology, reproduction theory, anatomy, and physiology as well as the different types of microscopes which influenced these fields. In terms of methodology, this thesis neither follows nor casts doubt on any particular theory of historical development; rather, it attempts to shed further light on available primary sources and their contexts. Presenting key case studies illustrates the difficulties that early microscope users faced in acquiring and publishing new observations. To explore the practice of early microscopy further, this thesis presents re-enactments of these case studies using Enlightenment-era microscopes and modern tissue samples. Thus, this thesis is a call to broaden the scope of primary sources available to historians of science and medicine to include instruments and re-enactments. This thesis finds that technological advances did not correlate to microscopical discovery in medicine or anatomy. Both simple and complex microscope designs aided anatomical and medical research. Broader advances in anatomy, physiology, and medical etiology dictated the utility of medical microscopy. Although various groups, such as the French clinicians, saw little need for microscopy towards the end of the eighteenth century, microscope-based evidence continued to play a diagnostic role among lesser-known practitioners despite its lack of visibility in medical literature.

La thèse porte sur le statut du corps dans la philosophie de Spinoza. Une première partie de la thèse reconstruit la façon dont Spinoza thématise la corporéité, à partir du Court Traité et du problème de l’attribution à Dieu d’une nature étendue. En outre, on démontre aussi que la position qu’on trouve dans l’Ethique est le résultat d’un travail intellectuel qui n’était pas encore accompli au début de l’itinéraire de Spinoza. En particulier, on souligne qu’une meilleure réflexion sur les concepts de partie et du tout, sur la nature des passions et sur le concept de détermination sera essentielle à ce développement. Dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, on considère trois milieux de référence pour situer la pensée spinozienne par rapport aux enjeux de la nouvelle philosophie de la nature de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle. D’abord, on reconsidère le statut de la seconde partie des Principes de la philosophie de Descartes et on montre l’infidélité de Spinoza à Descartes sur plusieurs points. Il s’agit d’une infidélité systématique qui témoigne de l’effort spinozien pour donner une cohérence à l’usage du concept cartésien le plus ambigu, celui de détermination. Ensuite, on montre que tout en essayant de poursuivre dans cette ligne, Spinoza peut avoir trouvé chez Hobbes des instruments intellectuels importants. Il s’agit surtout de l’usage que Hobbes fait du concept de mouvement comme véritable essence de tout phénomène physique, dont résulte sa conception du conatus. Cependant, on démontre aussi le désaccord entre la conception hobbesienne de la causalité et la position définitive de Spinoza. A ce propos, on propose de reconsidérer la pensée de Robert Boyle comme l’autre source décisive qui permet à Spinoza de développer sa réflexion physique plutôt du coté de l’activité des corps. Ce faisant, on souligne – en troisième lieu – que Spinoza va s’opposer au développement majeur du cartésianisme de ces années, c’est-à-dire l’occasionalisme, surtout dans la forme que lui avait donnait Arnold Geulincx. / My dissertation examins Spinoza’s account of bodies. I devote the first part of my dissertation to investigating how and why issues linked to the concept of body and, more generally, to physics, become real problems for Spinoza. This leads to the important result of reevaluating the first steps of Spinoza’s philosophical career. I stress the theological context in which, in the Short Treatise (1661 c.a.), the concept of body appeared for the first time as a challenge. How is it possible to demonstrate that the extension is an attribute of God and thus that finite bodies are modifications of God’s infinite substance? In order to answer this question, Spinoza will be forced to work out different further conceptual tools, most notably the mereological part/whole distinction, the status of natural law and the conatus doctrine. My chronological approach shows that the achievements we find in the Ethics (1675) are only the last and most consistent version of Spinoza’s philosophy, which underwrite several major changes through his development. This methodological approach allows us to appreciate several key shifts in Spinoza’s position and thus to frame in a more determinate way the problem of his sources. Firstly, I address the highly debated question of the dependence of Spinoza’s physics on Descartes’ own project. I focus on Spinoza’s attempt to make coherent Descartes’ use of the concept of determination, which turns to be crucial for Spinoza’s own account of physical interactions. As a second step, I explore Spinoza’s relationship with two key figures of the English Modern culture in the pre-Newtonian period: Thomas Hobbes and Robert Boyle. I stress Spinoza’s debt with Hobbes but also the discrepancies between their accounts of causal interactions. In that view, I underline that Robert Boyle provides an important framework to understand Spinoza’s ontology of activity. As a third and final step, I compare Spinoza’s own evolution with the rise of Occasionalism, which was at the same time a chronologically parallel, but philosophically opposite development of Descartes’ project.

The emergence of germ theory during the nineteenth century transformed Western medicine. By the 1870s, public health officials in the American South used germ theory to promote sanitation efforts to control public health crises, such as yellow fever epidemics. Before the discovery of mosquito transmission of yellow fever, physicians of the late nineteenth century believed the disease was spread by a highly contagious germ. Prominent medical practitioners of New Orleans, such as Confederate Army veteran Dr. Joseph Jones, used available scientific knowledge and investigation to attempt to control yellow fever during the Reconstruction period, a period rife with political and racial tension in New Orleans. This paper will analyze nineteenth century Southern medicine through the work of Dr. Joseph Jones and will argue that despite the use of cutting edge scientific methods of the era, the political challenges of the Reconstruction period shaded the public health policies in New Orleans.

O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é propor a análise do impacto das mudanças tecnológicas na relação entre o capital e o trabalho, especificamente na composição orgânica de ambos, a partir da situação do trabalhador bancário evidenciando a precarização de salários e consequente compressão psicossocial dos trabalhadores desta indústria de serviços, buscando um olhar desta História econômica contemporânea que enxergue as questões políticas e sociais do cotidiano no trabalho qualificado na sociedade informatizada. Para esse intento, veremos a formação do sistema bancário brasileiro, acompanharemos a trajetória do maior banco público brasileiro, o Banco do Brasil, conceituaremos o trabalho imaterial problematizando a apropriação do conhecimento da categoria bancária pelos sistemas informáticos que atendem aos bancos. / The objective of this Master\'s thesis is to propose the analysis of the impact of technological changes on the relation between capital and labor, specifically on the organic composition of both, based on the situation of the banking worker - evidencing the precariousness of wages and consequent psychosocial compression of the workers in this service industry, seeking a look at this contemporary economic history that sees the political and social issues of daily life in the skilled work in the computerized society. For this purpose, we will see the formation of the Brazilian banking system, we will follow the trajectory of the greater Brazilian public bank, Banco do Brasil, we will conceptualize immaterial work and will problematize the appropriation of knowledge of the banking category by the computer systems that serve the banks.