The patriarchal legal system and the socio-cultural institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) relegate Iranian women to second-class citizens. Yet, Canadian feminist texts such as Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale (1985) and Carol Shields's Unless (2002) have been translated into Persian, in 2003 and 2005 respectively. Moreover, they circulate freely and are found in Iran’s National Library. This seeming discrepancy needs a systemic and contextually-based explanation. Four questions guide my dissertation: What happens to the texts as they cross the cultural boundaries into the receiving society? Specifically, which features of feminist texts are most vulnerable to censorial interventions and what does that reveal about the interplay of the hegemonic theocratic-patriarchy and translation? Finally, how is the Persian translation of feminist texts even possible, given Iran’s legal, political and socio-cultural antagonism toward women’s autonomy? In other words, what factors mitigate such translations? To answer these questions, I outline the legal representation of women in the legal discourse and the socio-cultural attitudes towards women’s rights in Iran subsequent to the (1906-1911) Constitutional Revolution and the 1979 Revolution, which led to an Islamist government. I examine the impacts of the IRI’s androcentric legislations on women’s rights, and the censorship mechanisms on Persian and imported feminist literature. I explore the types and extent of resistance to censorship, and I study the representation of women in school textbooks, cinema and Persian literature to analyze the impact that the interaction between the legal discourse, censorship and resistance has on cultural products. I conduct a comparative text analysis using theories of feminist linguistics and descriptive translation studies (Toury 1995; Cameron 1985, 1995) to investigate the extent to which patriarchal mechanisms influence the translation of the two novels. The goal is to determine how the legal and socio-cultural discourses of the target society affect the form and meaning of the translation, and to identify translation strategies that undermine the very features that make a novel female-centric. I demonstrate how these translation strategies consistently produce target texts that conform to the state-sponsored patriarchal agenda, and synchronize with the gender values and norms of the IRI.

In this thesis, I explore the epistemological dimensions in the political thought of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111), a renowned Muslim theologian and philosopher, famous for the refutation of the peripatetic tradition by means of a thoroughgoing skepticism. His reflections on human understanding and the cognitive faculties led him to the following conclusion: since reason is not self-sufficient, humanity must abide by revealed laws. While al-Ghazālī maintains that strict obedience is necessary for certain commoners, he arrives at such theocratic conclusions by way of investigating human nature as well as metaphysical claims. In brief, al-Ghazālī’s claim that humans must abide by revelation is grounded on two interrelated themes which are prevalent across his texts: (1) his view that God’s power over the universe is unlimited and (2) his claim that humans are entirely feeble before His omnipotence. In this sense, al-Ghazālī’s theology stands out as a negative philosophy; it is his use of philosophy that eventually undercuts independent philosophy, thus demanding that all persons submit to a higher source of truth, God’s revelation. Alternatively, al-Ghazālī proposes a mystical doctrine to address humanity’s perceptive shortcomings, claiming that the ascetic experience is the best means to attaining knowledge of the divine. I argue that, by pursuing a systemic inquiry into the nature of creation, which leads up to this mysticism, al-Ghazālī occasionally elevates reason to the ranks of revelation. This is because he arrives at this conclusion not by way of revelation, but through independent philosophical reflection and inquiry, one that makes use of particular theological notions. His skeptical refutation of certain philosophical doctrines is followed by his mysticism. In the later stages of my thesis, I extrapolate from this study to make larger claims about the nature of theocratic regimes. In the final analysis, I re-examine his theological and philosophical concepts to demonstrate how they are transposed to his political thought. I argue that al-Ghazālī’s key theological notions strongly shape his main political writings, though he tones down the philosophical and mystical jargon. While addressing the rulers, al-Ghazālī hopes that they could adopt the humility of the ideal ascetic man he has in mind. In brief, al-Ghazālī articulates a politics of humility to warn against tyrannical practice by appealing to the importance of the heart. Lastly, though this thesis deals with al-Ghazālī’s theological corpus, I also contribute to the literature on reason and revelation. I demonstrate that the theological may also contain reason at its foundation, especially when appealing to universal questions about humanity’s welfare.

Iran steht vor einer neuen Revolution. Die Wahlen und deren offensichtlicher Betrug haben die Spaltung des Landes zu Tage gefördert. Die theokratische Herrschaft kann sich nur noch durch einen ölgeförderten Klientelismus am Leben erhalten und steht nun dort, wo der Schah vor dreißig Jahren gestanden hat. Nur durch eine kluge Politik, die auch Versöhnung bietet, kann ein friedlicher Machtwechsel herbeigeführt und die Demokratisierung des Landes ermöglicht werden.

This study is inspired by two phenomena: first, the interest among certain translation studies scholars in sociological theories to account for the social implications of translation and translational activities; and secondly, the transformation of Iranian society along with its systematic and systemic integration into the globalized society. It attempts to analyze the role of translation –products and processes– in how modernity and Islam have been introduced to Iranian society of the 19th century and that of the 1990s, respectively. Theoretical frameworks to define translation, describe society, and study the socio-political impact of translation are derived from Niklas Luhmann’s theories of communication, society and politics. His theory of communication is used to define translation as a communication medium that makes communication across linguistic, semiotic and historical borders more probable. As a medium, translation can lend itself to two distinct levels of understandings. While the first focuses on actual translation products at textual level, i.e. inter-lingual translation products, the second addresses translation processes at macro-level, which enable professional role players in a social system such as the system of religion to draw communicatively the attention of other systems such as the system of politics. His theory of society serves to describe the semantics and structure of Iranian society during the 19th century. In the latter period Iran is caught in the avalanche of modern world politics and economy. It begins to use translation, among others, as an efficient mean to learn and derive information about the modern Europe. The new information raises communicative complexity in the society, the efficient handling of which gives birth to modern structures. Luhmann’s political theory is used to analyze Iran’s post-revolutionary political system and its interaction with the system of religion. Iranian theocracy is considered undemocratic less due to the unification of religion and politics than due to its faulty differentiation into the subsystems of administration, politics and public. The way the system understands Islam is crucial in shaping political institutions and organizations as well as in evolving political structures (defining which politically relevant issues are taken into consideration as themes for decision making). The socio-political relevance of translation processes is then demonstrated based on how religious intellectuals take the task of ‘translation proviso’ seriously by translating modern political thinking into a religious communication, and in so doing, draw the attention of theocracy. Four translations of the Quranic verse 4:34 as well as an analysis of religiously informed political theories formulated in the intellectual journal of Kiyān will serve to demonstrate how religious intellectuals’ reformist re-translation of Islam produces new communicative themes in the public opinion and hence draws the attention of theocracy. The findings, of interest for translation studies, sociology of religion, political science and Iranian studies, show that translations, by disseminating information and raising complexity in society, are basic social operations with consequences for different spheres of society.

Thesis (MDiv (Old and New Testament))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / One of the challenging questions for the religious people is whether theocracy is still relevant in a pluralistic society like the South African society. In this assignment I argue that theocracy is relevant for all times. It can just change form as the context changes to adapt to new circumstances. To test this assertion, this study concentrates on the study of Old Testament views regarding theocracy in different contexts. This is done by comparing the narratives of kings Saul, David, Solomon and Rehoboam as told by the Deuteronomist and the Chronicler. The focus is on how contextual influences are reflected in their telling of the stories of these kings and thereby also purport a certain form of theocracy befitting their particular contexts. The study then concludes that theocracy is relevant for all times but the change in context should be taken into consideration.

The term Polabian Slavs is a generic name applied to the westernmost branch of the Western Slavs, now almost extinct. Those people are often referred to as Wends, but mainly in older historiography. In the Middle Ages they occupied the territory more or less corresponding to the former state of East Germany, the region enclosed by the Baltic Sea in the North, the Oder-Neisse rivers in the East, the Ore mountains in the South and the Elbe-Saale rivers in the West (see map 1). In Central Europe, with the exception of the Baltic Prussians and Lithuanians, some of the Polabian Slavs resisted Christianisation and remained stubbornly pagan until the middle of the twelfth century. In the course of history the Polabian Slavs came under increasing political pressure from the Franks and later from the Empire, in the period between the eighth and the twelfth centuries. From the north they were also hard pressed by the Danes and in some periods from the east by the growing strength in Poland of the Piast dynasty. By the end of the twelfth century most of the Polabian Slavs fell under German or Danish political control. Some of them in the central region, what is now the Land of Brandenburg, and the tribes in the South were fully incorporated into the Empire. Others, like the Obodrites and some of the Veleti in Western Pomerania, became part of the Empire as autonomous duchies ruled by the local princes, while the island of Rügen and the adjacent mainland territories, although they continued to be ruled by the Slavic dynasts, had to acknowledge Danish suzerainty. The whole territory, despite some areas being under the Danish crown, became subject to strong German political and cultural influence. Assimilation and German colonization facilitated the process of the Germanization of almost the entire area between the Saale-Elbe and Oder-Neisse rivers. Over the centuries the Polabian Slavs have almost entirely disappeared as a distinct people. However, the process is not fully completed even today, for a small Sorb minority still retains its distinct cultural identity. The modern Sorbs, numbering around 100,000 people are living today in eastern Germany in the region of Lusatia (Lausitz in German or £užica in Sorbian), mainly around Bautzen and Cottbus. Approximately 60,000 of them still speak a Slavonic language. Although this work does not deal directly with the Sorbs of Lusatia, it is dedicated to those surviving Polabian Slavs. [No abstract available - text taken from Introduction]

The term Polabian Slavs is a generic name applied to the westernmost branch of the Western Slavs, now almost extinct. Those people are often referred to as Wends, but mainly in older historiography. In the Middle Ages they occupied the territory more or less corresponding to the former state of East Germany, the region enclosed by the Baltic Sea in the North, the Oder-Neisse rivers in the East, the Ore mountains in the South and the Elbe-Saale rivers in the West (see map 1). In Central Europe, with the exception of the Baltic Prussians and Lithuanians, some of the Polabian Slavs resisted Christianisation and remained stubbornly pagan until the middle of the twelfth century. In the course of history the Polabian Slavs came under increasing political pressure from the Franks and later from the Empire, in the period between the eighth and the twelfth centuries. From the north they were also hard pressed by the Danes and in some periods from the east by the growing strength in Poland of the Piast dynasty. By the end of the twelfth century most of the Polabian Slavs fell under German or Danish political control. Some of them in the central region, what is now the Land of Brandenburg, and the tribes in the South were fully incorporated into the Empire. Others, like the Obodrites and some of the Veleti in Western Pomerania, became part of the Empire as autonomous duchies ruled by the local princes, while the island of Rügen and the adjacent mainland territories, although they continued to be ruled by the Slavic dynasts, had to acknowledge Danish suzerainty. The whole territory, despite some areas being under the Danish crown, became subject to strong German political and cultural influence. Assimilation and German colonization facilitated the process of the Germanization of almost the entire area between the Saale-Elbe and Oder-Neisse rivers. Over the centuries the Polabian Slavs have almost entirely disappeared as a distinct people. However, the process is not fully completed even today, for a small Sorb minority still retains its distinct cultural identity. The modern Sorbs, numbering around 100,000 people are living today in eastern Germany in the region of Lusatia (Lausitz in German or £užica in Sorbian), mainly around Bautzen and Cottbus. Approximately 60,000 of them still speak a Slavonic language. Although this work does not deal directly with the Sorbs of Lusatia, it is dedicated to those surviving Polabian Slavs. [No abstract available - text taken from Introduction]

<p>The aim of this Master´s thesis is to examine which type of regime the state Iran is. There has been much research on this issue and the discussion is not over yet. I have departed from three theoretical perspectives in order to understand which type of regime the Middle Eastern nation is: theocracy, democracy and hybrid regime. The theocratic regimetype is composed by David L. Websters archeological theory about governments ruled by God. For the democratic theory in this study Robert Dahls analytical framework about democracy and polyarchy is used. The hybrid regime is mainly represented by Andreas Schedler indicators. A qualitative case study approach is used for the purpose of this study where I have constructed an analytical framework containing indicators in order to apply these on the three regime models. The results and conclusion I can draw from this study is that Iran is more like a hybrid regime. However, there are several reservations and there need to be more studies to qualify this suggestion.</p>

The aim of this Master´s thesis is to examine which type of regime the state Iran is. There has been much research on this issue and the discussion is not over yet. I have departed from three theoretical perspectives in order to understand which type of regime the Middle Eastern nation is: theocracy, democracy and hybrid regime. The theocratic regimetype is composed by David L. Websters archeological theory about governments ruled by God. For the democratic theory in this study Robert Dahls analytical framework about democracy and polyarchy is used. The hybrid regime is mainly represented by Andreas Schedler indicators. A qualitative case study approach is used for the purpose of this study where I have constructed an analytical framework containing indicators in order to apply these on the three regime models. The results and conclusion I can draw from this study is that Iran is more like a hybrid regime. However, there are several reservations and there need to be more studies to qualify this suggestion.

The term Polabian Slavs is a generic name applied to the westernmost branch of the Western Slavs, now almost extinct. Those people are often referred to as Wends, but mainly in older historiography. In the Middle Ages they occupied the territory more or less corresponding to the former state of East Germany, the region enclosed by the Baltic Sea in the North, the Oder-Neisse rivers in the East, the Ore mountains in the South and the Elbe-Saale rivers in the West (see map 1). In Central Europe, with the exception of the Baltic Prussians and Lithuanians, some of the Polabian Slavs resisted Christianisation and remained stubbornly pagan until the middle of the twelfth century. In the course of history the Polabian Slavs came under increasing political pressure from the Franks and later from the Empire, in the period between the eighth and the twelfth centuries. From the north they were also hard pressed by the Danes and in some periods from the east by the growing strength in Poland of the Piast dynasty. By the end of the twelfth century most of the Polabian Slavs fell under German or Danish political control. Some of them in the central region, what is now the Land of Brandenburg, and the tribes in the South were fully incorporated into the Empire. Others, like the Obodrites and some of the Veleti in Western Pomerania, became part of the Empire as autonomous duchies ruled by the local princes, while the island of Rügen and the adjacent mainland territories, although they continued to be ruled by the Slavic dynasts, had to acknowledge Danish suzerainty. The whole territory, despite some areas being under the Danish crown, became subject to strong German political and cultural influence. Assimilation and German colonization facilitated the process of the Germanization of almost the entire area between the Saale-Elbe and Oder-Neisse rivers. Over the centuries the Polabian Slavs have almost entirely disappeared as a distinct people. However, the process is not fully completed even today, for a small Sorb minority still retains its distinct cultural identity. The modern Sorbs, numbering around 100,000 people are living today in eastern Germany in the region of Lusatia (Lausitz in German or £užica in Sorbian), mainly around Bautzen and Cottbus. Approximately 60,000 of them still speak a Slavonic language. Although this work does not deal directly with the Sorbs of Lusatia, it is dedicated to those surviving Polabian Slavs. [No abstract available - text taken from Introduction]