Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 92-102). Also available on the Internet.

The questions of business involvement in human rights violations in countries facing civil conflict, as well as access to remedy and accountability for these violations have generated a considerable amount of attention from academia and practitioners. While most theoretical efforts on access to remedy and accountability have focused on identifying the obstacles to access to justice, these do not explain the unlikely case of Colombia, where despite all structural obstacles being present (e.g. armed conflict, corruption), the country has positioned itself as a leader in the region in terms of judicialisation and convictions of economic actors for their complicity with grave human rights violations committed in the course of the 50 year internal armed conflict. This thesis is a theory building and theory-testing project that looks for alternative explanations to the outcomes registered in Colombia, focusing on the agents involved in these cases and how the variation in the power of the people (claimants) and the power of businesses (defendants) explains access to justice. This thesis uses the most comprehensive datasets in existence of business involvement in human rights violations (the Corporations and Human Rights Database and the Corporate Accountability and Transitional Justice Database) to present a novel and much needed systematic analysis to identify the factors explaining why and when remedy and accountability is possible. The results of the study suggest that the variations in the power of people and the power of business do offer a plausible alternative explanation to the unlikely case of Colombia. The Colombia data analyzed in this thesis suggests that while an increase in the power of the people (through the support of global actors and political opportunities) is necessary to secure judicialisation and remedy, these results are only possible when they face an economic actor with reduced veto power.

abstract: Over the past decades, Colombian society has endured the impact of a longstanding political conflict among different actors and outrageous expressions of violence, especially among left wing guerrillas, right wing paramilitary groups and the state government. Drawing on socio-legal studies in transitional justice and human rights, this research attempts to analyze the recent experience of transitional justice in Colombia. The main purpose of this research is to understand how political, institutional and social actors, especially the government, the courts, the human rights and transitional justice NGOs, and victims associations, frame the mechanisms of transitional justice and use legal instruments to transform the conflict and reach what they consider "justice." It also attempts to understand the relations between politics and law in the context of a hegemonic discourse of security and give account of the expressions of resistance of human rights networks. In doing so, this research advances theory on literature about law and society and transitional justice by means of applying and expanding the theoretical framework of socio-legal research via the process of transitional justice in Colombia. The dissertation presents information gathered in the field in Colombia between July 2009 and July 2010 through a qualitative research design based on document analysis and in-depth interviews with members of different international and domestic human rights organizations, victims' organizations and national institutions. The research explains how these organizations combined political and legal actions in order to contest a project of security, and more specifically a project of impunity that came from negotiations with the paramilitary groups. The research also explains how the human rights networks not only mobilized internationally to gain political support from the international community, but also how these organizations contributed to transform the political debate about victims' rights. The research also explains how the human rights organizations and victims' groups articulated the global discourse on human rights and the local and domestic meanings constructed by the emerging movements of victims. Finally, the research analyses the relevance of legal practices consisting on strategic use of law in order to protect the victims of human rights violations. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Justice Studies 2011

Recent debates on transitional justice have concerned whether the field responds to the needs of victims who have suffered serious crimes. At the global level, the International Criminal Court (ICC) serves as the most visible institution of transitional justice and is most famous for its prosecutions of war criminals. Critics of the Court question its relevance to victims and allege that it embodies a Western form of justice, prioritizing retribution over restoration of victims' lives and societies. Often overlooked, however, is the Court's sister organization, the Trust Fund For Victims (TFV). Also established by the Rome Statute, the TFV is mandated to deliver court-ordered reparations to victims as well as to provide assistance to those affected by crimes under ICC jurisdiction. This assistance mandate creates a novel opportunity to reach a wide scope of affected individuals and to bring international justice directly to those who need it most. This thesis reviews research on transitional justice and employs the Trust Fund as a case study of localizing transitional justice through reparative assistance. This study concludes that the reparative assistance, when designed to respond to victims' needs, has material and symbolic significance to victims that meet the goals of transitional justice.

The aim of this thesis is to probe subnational varieties in compensation enacted for war victims in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The current literature in transitional justice posits that mainly the nature of previous conflicts, democratic and economic development, international normative pressures, and the regional clustering of justice explain why only some post-war countries award material assistance to victims (Olsen et al. 2010; Kim 2012; Risse and Sikkink 2013; Powers and Proctor 2015). While these explanations provide critical insights into the processes behind compensation adoption across states, they do not explain why only some victim categories within a state secure compensation. Drawing on a large database of qualitative data ranging from interviews to newspaper articles collected during fieldwork in Bosnia, this thesis explores compensation for military and civilian war victims, victims of torture and sexual violence, and families of missing people. By zooming in on these victim categories in the Bosnian context, this thesis advances a new understanding of compensation for victims as an outcome of complex political, external, and economic influences exerted on the main domestic policymakers. This thesis uses a new analytical framework about the inter-category varieties in compensation that draws upon arguments about bounded agency of war victims who are constrained by the parameters of post-war political structures that to a large degree shape their strategies. I show that the different compensation outcomes can primarily be explained by the varying effectiveness of victims in convincing domestic political authorities that compensation is in their political interest by using framing and advocacy strategies at the domestic and international level. While such strategies are limited by the political and socioeconomic characteristics of the state, victim categories that are able to strategically frame their demands and access resources to mobilize are more likely to secure compensation adoption. Therefore, this thesis introduces three tools that victims can leverage - international salience, moral authority, and mobilization resources - that are shaped by both structural conditions and the victims' agency.

This paper aims to review the model of transitional justice applied in Chile as part of a growing critical assessment has been formulating the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in its jurisprudence about the way that the states resolve the issues of truth, justice, reparation of victims and institutional design in processes of democratic transition and democratic consolidation. We will try to show that the conflict is a consequence of the characteristics of gross and systematic violations and political limits imposed transitional processes characteristics. The way this tension is resolved is what sets a model of transitional justice that fulfill or not the international standards on human rights. / Este estudio busca revisar el modelo de justicia transicional aplicado en Chile en el marco de una creciente evaluación crítica que ha ido formulando la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, en su jurisprudencia, contenciosa de la forma en que los Estados resuelven los temas de verdad, justicia, reparación de las víctimas y cambios al diseño institucional en procesos de transición democrática o consolidación democrática. Se intentará demostrar que la tensión se produce a partir de las características propias de las violaciones graves y sistemáticas y los límites políticos que imponen los procesos transicionales. La forma en que se resuelve esta tensión es lo que configura un modelo de justicia transicional acorde o no a los estándares internacionales en materia de derechos humanos.

En el presente artículo se reportan algunos resultados preliminares de una investigación sobre el impacto psicosocial de la justicia transicional en el Perú, a diez años de la entrega del Informe final de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación - CVR. El objetivo consistió en conocer las percepciones que se tienen sobre los pro- cesos de justicia transicional, en particular en el caso de la CVR en el Perú. Para ello, se analizaron materiales gráficos y discursivos que dan cuenta de una narrativa individual y colectiva en víctimas directas e indirectas de la ciudad de Huamanga que fueron obtenidos en el marco de un estudio mayor sobre el impacto psicosocial de la CVR. Los resultados sugieren que existen diversas vivencias de la violencia, caracterizadas por ser recurrentes y continuas en el tiempo a pesar de los procesos de justicia transicional. Más aún, que estos últimos tienen costos emocionales al momento de realizarse, pero que también pueden traer oportunidades que nos permitan construir una convivencia democrática en la sociedad. / The present article reports on preliminary results of a research inthe psychosocial impact of transitional justice in Peru, after ten years of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee - TRC. Its general objective was to learn about the perceptions on transitional justice processes, particularly in the case of the TRC in Peru. Graphics and discursive materials that account for individual and collective narrative of direct and no direct victims in Huamanga were analyzed, which were obtained as part of a larger study on the psychosocial impact of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee - CVR. The results suggest that there are different expe- riences of violence that are characterized by being recurrent and continuous in time despite transitional justice processes and that the processes have emotional costs but also benefits that allow us to build democratic coexistence in a society.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.

O presente estudo buscou compreender como o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa está colocado na Justiça de Transição: quais atos são entendidos como cumplicidade? Quais instituições civis foram cúmplices? De fato, em tempos de poderes ilimitados, houve “cumplicidade civil”? Com base no conceito de “Doutrina de Segurança Nacional” para interpretar o autoritarismo pós Segunda Guerra Mundial na América Latina, são comparados os casos brasileiro e argentino a partir da hipótese que a diferença de modelo de justiça de transição dos dois países também seria verificada na aplicação dos mecanismos ao problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa. Para tanto, a pesquisa qualitativa examinou como a imprensa é abordada no Relatório final da Comissão Nacional de Desaparecimento de Pessoas da Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), no Relatório final da Comissão de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos do Brasil (CMDP, 2007) e nas obras referências sobre o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa “Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI- 5 à Constituição de 1988, de Beatriz Kushnir (2004) e "Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso, de Eduardo Blaustein e Martín Zubieta (1998)". Valendo-se de uma abordagem crítica da teoria da justiça de transição, ao realçar conceitos da teoria da cultura política para expandir o espectro das instituições e estruturas sociais alvos de uma restruturação que garanta a não-repetição, o estudo se propõe a mitigar o relativo silêncio e esquecimento do comportamento dos civis, em geral, e da imprensa, em maior grau, no enfrentamento dos legados do autoritarismo. A partir do estudo comparado, pode-se concluir que a diferença de modelo de transição entre os países não repercute em significativas diferenças no tratamento dado ao tema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa pela justiça de transição. Embora esteja presente uma colaboração difusa das grandes instituições de imprensa com o autoritarismo, os poderes de veto e de agenda dessas instituições na democracia impede a busca pela verdade e memória no campo. Por fim, ao final do estudo é proposto uma tipologia de seis práticas de cumplicidade civil da imprensa e uma agenda para a justiça de transição que avance no desafio de delimitar a fronteira entre a censura política à imprensa, própria do autoritarismo, e a adesão voluntária às práticas repressivas do autoritarismo. Assim, direcionar efetivamente os esforços justransicionais para os setores civis, em especial a imprensa, representaria uma verdadeira investida na principal base da ditadura: a cultura autoritária das instituições e dos indivíduos. / This study aims to comprehend how the problem of civil complicity of press lies within Transitional Justice: what acts are understood as complicity? What civil institutions were complicit? In fact, in times of unlimited power, was there "civil complicity"? Based on the concept of the "National Security Doctrine" to interpret the post World War II authoritarianism in Latin America, the Brazilian and Argentine cases are compared assuming that the Transitional Justice different models of this two countries would also be verified in the application of mechanisms to the press civil complicity issue. Therefore, qualitative research examined how the press is addressed in the Final Report of the National Commission for Disappeared People of Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), in the Final Report of the Commission of the Political Dead and Disappeared of Brazil (CMDP, 2007) and in the paradigm works on the problem of civil complicity of the press "Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI-5 à Constituição de 1988”, from Beatriz Kushnir (2004) and “Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso”, from Eduardo Blaustein and Martín Zubieta (1998). Drawing on a critical approach to Transitional Justice theory, enhancing political culture theory concepts to expand the spectrum of institutions and social structures targets of restructuring to ensure the non- repetition, this study aims to mitigate the relative silence and oblivion of the behavior of civilians, in general, and of the press, to a greater degree, in dealing with authoritarian legacies. From the comparative study, we can conclude that the transition model of different countries do not reflected in significant differences in the treatment given to the subject of civil complicity of the press by Transitional Justice. Although there is the presence of a diffuse collaboration of major media institutions with authoritarianism, the veto and agenda powers of these institutions in democracy hinders the search for truth and memory in the field. Finally, at the end of the study, a six press civil complicity practices typology is proposed, as well as an agenda for Transitional Justice that goes on the challenge of defining the boundary between political censorship of the press, typical from authoritarianism, and the voluntary adherence to repressive authoritarianism practices. Thus, effectively directing justransicionals efforts to the civilian sectors, especially the press, represents a real assault on the main base of the dictatorship: the authoritarian culture of both institutions and individuals.

This paper is a theoretical and aesthetic exploration of my MFA thesis film- an autobiographical documentary. This documentary was entirely shot in China, with both high-definition footage and Super 8 film; it takes a journey in my hometown to discuss the contemporary housing problem across generations in modern China. By focusing on ordinary family life, the film attempts to reveal the tension and conflicts arising between Chinese people's need for roots and the shifting socioeconomic system. The first part of the paper addresses the highly contrasted filmic textures that establish various temporal dimensions in the film. Taking an autobiographical approach, the first person perspective is employed to connect these times and spaces. The second part of the paper will examine the subjectivity in the film and discuss how the self functions as a storyteller, an outsider and a family member at the same time. The following chapter will visit the physical familiar space. The lens searches for marks and signs left by everyday practices, in order to trace the change of the concept of home in Chinese culture after the invasion of industrialization and consumerism. Such an enormous socioeconomic transformation has eventually given birth to a wave of nostalgia in contemporary China. This nostalgia answers a cultural need that counters the irresistible process of modernization, urbanization and commercialization in the transitional China.