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This research addresses the determinants of mass participation by developing a model of how the racial environment influences mass participation in the United States. Prior literature on this research question presents two competing expectations. The power-threat hypothesis predicts that a larger size of different racial groups in local areas increases citizen participation because of more intensive interracial con- flicts, while the relational goods hypothesis predicts that a larger size of different racial groups decreases participation because of less frequent interaction with other in-group members. Both hypotheses, however, are derived from rather weak theoretical expectations, and neither is consistently supported in empirical analyses. This research offers a solution to this puzzle by arguing that economic and political characteristics of local areas determine how the racial composition influences mass participation. Local economic and political competition is expected to structure the nature of interracial and intraracial relations and therefore influence the utility calculation associated with political participation. I hypothesize that the power-threat effect on citizen participation is observed only when the degree of economic or political competition is high, while the relational goods effect is observed only when the degree of economic or political competition is low. Empirical analysis using Verba, Schlozman, and Brady’s Citizen Participation Study offers supportive evidence for my hypotheses. This research offers the first theoretically-motivated, rigorous analysis and evidence of the impact of immediate racial environment on individuals’ participation.

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Previous comparative research into the determinants of voting using aggregate data has suffered from two limitations: it relied predominantly on country-level data; and it seldom ventured beyond a consideration of one or two types of elections. In order to overcome these shortcomings, we use an original dataset in which data are aggregated to sub-national units; and include examples of national, sub-national, and supra-national elections. A total of 66 elections between 1995 and 2008 are included, drawn from ten Western European countries: Belgium, England, Finland, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden. For each country, the same sub-national geographical units are used for all election types, allowing the direct comparison of the effects of our selected institutional and socio-demographic variables. We find that the effects of the institutional determinants of voting are substantially and systematically reduced as the salience of the election type increases. For the socio-demographic variables, no such systematic relationship with salience is found. However, for some variables, the direction of effect is the opposite for European Parliament elections to that found for Municipal and Lower House elections, and supports the idea that EP elections differ sufficiently from sub-national, second-order elections to justify their ‘third-order’ classification. When we turn our attention to the effects of the socio-demographic variables in five individual countries, we find that the results are often consistent across different types of elections, and for all five countries. However, we also find that the effects of some variables have different effects in different countries. In these cases, we suggest explanations which relate turnout differences to wider political and social factors.

<p>This essay presents empirical tests of one of the conclusions from Bryan Caplan's 2007 book <em>The Myth of the Rational Voter. </em>Caplan claims that voters suffer from systematic biases about economic policy that through elections affects economic policy negatively. I derive three hypotheses from Caplan's theory and test them on a cross-country panel of 19 countries covering the time 1973 to 2009. The hypotheses stipulate that increased turnout lead to lower economic freedom, lower levels of foreign aid and higher inflation. After controlling for country specific effects turnout does not seem to have the effect stipulated in the three hypotheses.</p>

This essay presents empirical tests of one of the conclusions from Bryan Caplan's 2007 book The Myth of the Rational Voter. Caplan claims that voters suffer from systematic biases about economic policy that through elections affects economic policy negatively. I derive three hypotheses from Caplan's theory and test them on a cross-country panel of 19 countries covering the time 1973 to 2009. The hypotheses stipulate that increased turnout lead to lower economic freedom, lower levels of foreign aid and higher inflation. After controlling for country specific effects turnout does not seem to have the effect stipulated in the three hypotheses.

Building from Hannah Pitkin’s work on forms of representative democracy, this thesis demonstrates how differing generational expectations of political representation affect participation in electoral politics. Consistent with earlier work, it confirms that youth voting decreases when young people are less educated, less interested, or when they lack a sense of responsibility. However these factors only explain part—and not necessarily the most important part—of the younger generation’s motivations for voting. The analysis also shows that youth are markedly less likely to vote when young people feel that their values are not aligned with those of political leaders. The relationship between values—or symbolic representation—and voting remains significant and strong for young people even when the classic predictors of voting are included in the model. In fact, symbolic representation is a stronger predictor of voting than such factors as education, political interest, or the sense of responsibility to vote. This new variable is therefore important in understanding why the most recent decline in voting occurs predominantly among youth. Issue campaigns are less likely to move young people one way or another with respect to voting, as the majority of issues do not affect young people directly, if at all. As a consequence youth are left to rely on their own understanding of what political leaders actually stand for to pull them in or entice them to vote. But if the values that young people care about are not symbolically represented by political leaders and their electoral platforms, then youth will have less to vote for, and will likely just stay home and ignore elections altogether. Conversely, if political leaders make modest changes to their campaign strategies that also appeal to values—rather than strictly to interests—we could also see an increase in turnout among youth, and therefore an increase in democratic legitimacy.

Building from Hannah Pitkin’s work on forms of representative democracy, this thesis demonstrates how differing generational expectations of political representation affect participation in electoral politics. Consistent with earlier work, it confirms that youth voting decreases when young people are less educated, less interested, or when they lack a sense of responsibility. However these factors only explain part—and not necessarily the most important part—of the younger generation’s motivations for voting. The analysis also shows that youth are markedly less likely to vote when young people feel that their values are not aligned with those of political leaders. The relationship between values—or symbolic representation—and voting remains significant and strong for young people even when the classic predictors of voting are included in the model. In fact, symbolic representation is a stronger predictor of voting than such factors as education, political interest, or the sense of responsibility to vote. This new variable is therefore important in understanding why the most recent decline in voting occurs predominantly among youth. Issue campaigns are less likely to move young people one way or another with respect to voting, as the majority of issues do not affect young people directly, if at all. As a consequence youth are left to rely on their own understanding of what political leaders actually stand for to pull them in or entice them to vote. But if the values that young people care about are not symbolically represented by political leaders and their electoral platforms, then youth will have less to vote for, and will likely just stay home and ignore elections altogether. Conversely, if political leaders make modest changes to their campaign strategies that also appeal to values—rather than strictly to interests—we could also see an increase in turnout among youth, and therefore an increase in democratic legitimacy.

This thesis aims to describe and analyse how young people reason around voting and voter turnout in two different national contexts - Sweden and the United States - and how the reasoning might differ. The material has been gathered in qualitative interviews with students in both countries and ordered according to a typology of four theories, namely rational choice, new institutionalism, social identity and norm theories. Findings indicate that there is much difference in the reasoning between the countries while similarities may be due to them being students of similar ages. In the US, young people reason more according to rational institutionalism, about the system itself and seem to be rather cynical about it while the Swedish youths reason more in terms of institutional norms and seem to be satisfied with the system of voting at large. This thesis develops previous research by adding qualitative findings to hard facts which can be used to understand voters and national contexts more thoroughly.

Elections are critical to the functioning of democracy, and many states have enacted various reforms designed to increase voter turnout. The reforms are referred to as ‘convenience voting’ methods and are designed to lower the perceived costs of voting. In 2006, Ohio adopted reforms that allowed no-excuse absentee voting and a period where voters could register and vote the same day. However, research still is unclear if these reforms have any effect on turnout. By comparing turnout in Ohio in presidential elections both before and after the reform to the same elections in Pennsylvania, a state that has not enacted similar reform, the effect of convenience voting can be seen. Looking at turnout in each county within the states reveals that the reform enacted in Ohio has had no positive impact on turnout. / Department of Political Science