The purpose of this inquiry is to examine weather Robert Putnam’s two-level game theory could be expanded to a third level. Furthermore, the study seeks to answer the question weather international negotiations can be played on three levels. For the purpose of the study, the two-level game theory will be applied to the ongoing negotiations between Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH) and the European Union. The third level will be investigated by considering United States’ role and its frequent involvement in negotiations. The General Framework Dayton Peace Agreement (1995) that ended the four-year war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, along with additional political and economic involvement of the USA in BiH will be utilized to signify the existence of the third level. The argument of this paper has been developed using qualitative research methods, where interviews have been combined with an analysis of contents. The study’s findings have several implications for the existence of the third-level. First, results demonstrate that Bosnian political figures fail to recognize USA’s involvement in the negotiation process. Second, study indicates an indirect, but intense influence of the United States due to its strategic interests. Third, the study significantly contributes to the international negotiations by incorporating the events on all three levels that influence all negotiation outcomes. The use of qualitative methods in this study deepened theoretical understanding of the three-level game, provided useful application for practitioners and opened up an opportunity to provide even greater understanding of international negotiations as a whole.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-16T17:37:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 39300044 bytes, checksum: f6782ca64fbf0bdf0e899f17f6bf1d0f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-16T17:37:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 39300044 bytes, checksum: f6782ca64fbf0bdf0e899f17f6bf1d0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-24 / CAPES / The research aimed to screen for evidence of the influence of ideals of the international medium on the pattern of public policies in Brazil and Colombia. Through an approach that linked the theory of two levels games and policy paradigm understanding in Kuhn and the mechanism of social learning, it was possible to develop a proxy for the degree of influence of international pressure for the adoption of a given policies. We attempted to analyze the influence of the proposed of solution to the state problems, issued by multilateral agencies, through what became known as the Washington Consensus. The choice of Brazil was due to an increased availability of data, while the choice of Colombia is its function in this country experience a long period of democratic rule, with jarring ideological profile of the Brazilian. For this, the research has focused on the behavior of public spending in both countries, was also performed a more specific case study on the deployment of the managerial model of public administration in Brazil, with the aim of better understanding how this process occurred import and export of ideas and solutions for different problems. The research showed that multilateral organizations have greater power to print your ideas in countries' policies when such changes are first and second order, by type built. In return, changes in third order are only induced by multilateral bodies, since the ideology of society plays a more decisive role for the incorporation or not of such ideas "exogenous”. / A pesquisa em tela buscou por evidências da influência de ideais do meio internacional sobre o padrão de oferta de políticas públicas no Brasil e na Colômbia. Através de uma abordagem que uniu a teoria dos jogos de dois níveis à compreensão de mudança de paradigma em Kuhn e ao mecanismo de aprendizagem social (social learning), foi possível elaborar uma proxy para o grau de influência das pressões internacionais pela adoção de determinado conjunto de políticas. Buscou-se analisar a influência das propostas de solução aos problemas estatais, emanadas por agências multilaterais, através do que ficou conhecido como Consenso de Washington. A escolha do Brasil se deu devido uma maior disponibilidade de dados, ao passo que a opção pela Colômbia se deu em função deste país experimentar um longo período democrático, com perfil ideológico destoante do brasileiro. Para tanto, a pesquisa se debruçou sobre o comportamento do gasto público em ambos os países, foi executado também um estudo de caso mais específico sobre a implantação do modelo gerencial de administração pública no Brasil, com o intuito de melhor compreender como se deu este processo de importação e exportação de ideais e soluções para os mais diversos problemas. A pesquisa evidenciou que os organismos multilaterais possuem um maior poder de imprimir seu ideário nas políticas dos países quando tais mudanças são de primeira e de segunda ordem, segundo a tipologia construída. Em contra partida, mudanças de terceira ordem são susceptíveis apenas de indução pelos organismos multilaterais, uma vez que a ideologia da sociedade desempenha um papel mais determinante para a incorporação ou não de tal ideário “exógeno”.

國際貿易會決定國內不同行為者的利益分配，促使國內產生主張自由貿易與支持保護主義的陣營，進而影響貿易政策的制訂。本論文以紡織品貿易為主題，首先闡述保護主義為何在貿易自由化浪潮中，依舊能夠貫穿20世紀後半葉的紡織品貿易，卻又在1990年代末期開始式微；其次，本論文分析當全球紡織品貿易於2005年全面取消配額之後，中國紡織品的大量出口，如何引發進口國內部保護主義勢力的反撲，令歐盟和美國先後和中國重新展開紡織品配額談判。最後，本論文分析歐、美境內自由貿易與保護主義兩個陣營，如何影響和中國的談判結果，並藉此比較具有不同制度的經濟體，如何回應國際經濟秩序的變化。 本文援引Robert Putnam所提出的「雙層賽局」分析架構，並進一步討論國內制度如何國際談判產生影響。經研究後發現，歐盟和美國內部的政治聯盟是影響談判結果的重要因素。這兩起談判雖然都源於本國紡織業者在受到中國紡織品的強力挑戰之後，進而要求政府必須出面解決這個問題，但是，由於歐盟和美國內部政治制度設計的不同，讓不同陣營有不同的施力空間，最後使得兩起談判結果有所差異。在歐盟方面，紡織產業和進口商之間的衝突，透過歐盟尊重多元的政治制度設計而有了旗鼓相當的局勢，因此歐盟執委會出面和中國談判之前，必須兼顧這兩個陣營的利益，令歐盟和中國的談判結果較有利於中國紡織品出口。但是在美國方面，儘管進口商和紡織業者之間的利益也是有所衝突，不過紡織業者最後透過政治運作而佔了上風，加上美國政府也希望藉由限制中國紡織品來降低對中國的貿易逆差，使得中美談判的結果對中國較為嚴格，具有濃厚的保護主義色彩。 / International trade distributes various interests to actors, who then form two camps supporting free trade and protectionism, respectively. Both two camps also influence the decision-making of trade policy. This thesis focuses on textile trade and analyzes why protectionism could prevail in the textile trade during the second half of 20th century, and why it declined in the end of 1990s. Second, this thesis analyzes how China’s considerable textile exports after 2005 incur resistances of protectionists in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). Those protectionists request their government to negotiate with China on textile products. However, those requests attract the counterpunches from supporters of free trade. By rendering the “Two-level Game Theory”, this thesis discovers that the domestic coalitions in the EU and the US significantly determine the results of negotiations. Although both negotiations result from powerful challenges of Chinese textile products, the EU and the US have their own institutional designs and then take different responses. In the EU, conflicts between textile industry and textile importers are of approximately equal strength. The European Commission has to hold an eclectic position between the supporters of free trade and protectionists. As a result, the results of EU-Sino negotiation favor China’s textile export to the European market. On the other hand, even though there are conflicts between textile producers and importers, producers get the upper hand by lobbying politicians. In addition, because the US government also intends to reduce the US’ tremendous trade deficit with China by limiting China’s textile product, the US-Sino textile quota negotiation is much more protectionism-oriented.

The diploma thesis United Kingdom and the Israeli-Palestine peace process is focused on British foreign policy towards the situation in Israel/Palestine and the ongoing peace process between 1997 and 2001. It addresses the main assumptions for the approach of the Tony Blair's government and their fulfilling. It is based on the analysis of speeches and documents issued by the Labour Party or by the government of the United Kingdom, on which it at first defines the assumptions about the activities of the United Kingdom on the international level, which it understands as commitments towards British and the electorate. Further, it presents the major steps made towards the situation in Israel/Palestine, as well as the long-term motives of Tony Blair government's approach to this area, which can be seen in speeches and other materials. It then examines whether the policy towards the Israeli-Palestine peace process matched the outlined assumptions and expectations. Subsequently, it deals with the causes of the found differences and discusses the importance of this topic for the government of Tony Blair and its possibilities get more involved in these issues. In the last section it analyses the other possible foreign policy interests of the United Kingdom that influenced the approach towards...

MARTINA SUMICHRASTOVA 10.5.18 The Fading Face of the Chinese Dragon? The Dispute Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands ABSTRACT Keywords: the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, China vs Japan, The face of nation, two level game theory, Chinese Dream The emergence of the global-economic crisis of 2008 helped the People's Republic of China to acquire the status of the world's second-largest economy. Not only did it open the doors for more significant opportunities for China in the sphere of commerce, but it allowed the People's Republic of China to be seen differently in the matters of military, diplomacy as well as on their level of domestic politics. This thesis aims to provide an insight into a smouldering territorial dispute over the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands concerning the deeply enrooted concept of the face. The concept of the face is essential mainly for Confucian societies as well as the East- Asian societies. However, slipping of the Chinese Dream, the People's Republic of China seems to be challenged in socio-political terms. Is the face of Chinese Dragon fading away? As it is well known, both sides involved in the conflict, China, and Japan have had a turbulent history of disputes and quarrels. What makes the Chinese Officials to get involved in the territorial dispute, to strengthen the face of Chinese Dragon? The...

Asymmetry and executive federalism are two unique features that dominate the Canadian political landscape. As a result, federal and provincial governments are in direct negotiations over many current public policy issues, immigration policy notwithstanding. In order to understand the current immigration debate and to evaluate the benefits of greater provincial involvement, it is first necessary to comprehend what motivates provinces to be active in immigration policy-making. Ontario presents an interesting example of a province that used to be quite content with leaving the federal government dominant in the immigration arena but that has recently changed its attitude completely: Ontario is now much more assertive in presenting its demands. Through a comprehensive literature review and a series of interviews of key immigration policy figures, this study analyzes the main motives of Ontario with respect to immigration policy. It finds that they were primarily of economic, demographic, and political nature and that they were mainly connected to the relative decline of Ontario's position within Canada.