Phonotactics are the restrictions on sound sequences within a word or syllable. They are an important cue for speech segmentation and a guiding force in the creation of new words. By studying phonotactics, we stand to gain a better understanding of why languages and speakers have phonologies. Through a series of four experiments, I will present data that sharpen our theoretical and empirical perspectives of what phonotactics are and how they are acquired.The methodology is similar to that used in studies of infant perception: children are familiarized with a set of words that contain either a few or many examples of a phonotactic sequence. The participants here are four-year-olds, and the test involves producing a target phonotactic sequence in a new word. Because the test words have not been encountered before, children must generalize what they learned in the familiarization phase and apply it to their own speech. By manipulating the phonetic and phonological characteristics of the familiarization items, we can determine which factors are relevant to phonotactic learning. In these experiments, the phonetic manipulation was the number of talkers who children heard produce a familiarization word. The phonological manipulation was the number of familiarization words that shared a phonotactic pattern.The findings include instances where learning occurs and instances where it does not. First, the data show that the well-studied correlation between phonotactic probability and production accuracy in child speech can be attributed, at least partly to perceptual learning, rather than a practice effect attributable to repeated articulation. Second, the data show that perceptual learning is a process of abstraction and learning about those abstractions. It is not about making connections between stored, unelaborated exemplars because learning from the phonetic manipulation alone was insufficient for a phonotactic pattern to generalize. Furthermore, perceptual learning is not about reorganizing pre-existing symbolic knowledge, because learning from words alone is insufficient. I argue that a model which learns abstract word-forms from direct phonetic experience, then learns phonotatics from the abstract word-forms, is the most parsimonious explanation of phonotactic learning.

Nonword repetition tasks were originally devised to assess the efficiency of the phonological loop (Baddeley & Hitch, 1974), a component of the working memory system, where verbal information is temporarily stored and translated to support activities like phonological processing during early word-recognition (Snowling, 1981; Wagner et al., 2003), speech production (McCarthy & Warrington, 1984), and articulation (Watkins, Dronkers, & Vargha-Khadem, 2002; Yoss & Darley, 1974). From a practical perspective, there is a significant need for a systematically-designed Spanish nonword repetition measure that is equivalent to currently-available English measures. For this study, a database of nonwords that considered phonotactic and phonological properties of Spanish was devised. In a preliminary study, Spanish-speaking adults provided wordlikeness judgments about a large set of candidate nonwords. A subset of the rated nonwords was used in the development of a Spanish nonword repetition measure. The aim of the main experiment was to explore the contributions of participant factors (age, gender, and vocabulary knowledge) and item factors (word length, stress pattern, and wordlikeness) to Spanish repetition performance in this group of Spanish speaking, English language learning children. From a theoretical perspective, this investigation allowed a first observation of how experience with listening to and producing Spanish words influences the acquisition of Spanish-specific phonological patterns. A total of 68 children, ages four to six years with varying degrees of Spanish language knowledge participated in this study. Results revealed significant age and word length effects. However, stress pattern did not exert significant effects on repetition performance, which is not completely consistent with previous literature. That is, participants repeated nonwords from both the more frequent and the less frequent stress pattern with similar accuracy. Wordlikeness, a previously uninvestigated variable in nonword repetition was found to affect repetition accuracy. For all participants, nonwords rated as high in wordlikeness were more accurately repeated than were nonwords with low wordlikeness ratings. Findings of the study are discussed in terms of how they relate to working memory and usage-based models of phonological learning. Finally, the clinical relevance of nonword repetition in the assessment of coarse- and fine-grained mappings of phonological knowledge is suggested.

Morphological productivity is difficult to define and describe. Nevertheless have several measures been proposed by scholars, in order to quantify this notion. This paper investigates ten common English prefixes with meanings related to degree or size. The aims of the study are (1) to review several measures of morphological productivity, (2) via a sample of corpus occurrences of ten prefixes, to calculate productivity figures using five different measures of productivity, and (3), perhaps most importantly, to discuss the differences and similarities of the five measures. The results suggest that while several of the measures are quite similar (e.g. type frequency and hapax legomena frequency), other measures are different (e.g. 'Productivity in the narrow sense'). While three of the measures could be said to provide information concerning past or 'factual' productivity, two of the measures seem instead to indicate an aspect of productivity that is referred to as 'potential' productivity.