Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconisn--Madison, 1972. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

La presente investigación pretende establecer cuáles fueron y en qué consistieron los procesos políticos contradictorios que devinieron en la desintegración del frente político Izquierda Unida. Las pugnas de carácter ideológico, organizacional y comportamental constituyeron dimensiones contradictorias que a su vez conformaron procesos que se desplegaron a lo largo de su existencia: el de la unidad y exclusión, el de la agudización de las contradicciones y el de la desarticulación final; y que componen las partes integrantes del capítulo número tres ─el central de esta tesis─ denominado los procesos políticos contradictorios. Es en el tercer subcapítulo de la última parte indicada, en el que analizamos cómo en el I Congreso de Izquierda Unida la unidad se desintegró debido al comportamiento hegemonista que ejercieron todos sus actores integrantes. De esta manera, a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas a algunos actores protagonistas de esta historia y a analistas especializados en el tema, se corrobora que en la Plenaria sobre lo trabajado en la Comisión N° 4, la de Estatutos, se disputó lo verdaderamente importante para los actores: el control hegemónico del Comité Directivo Nacional, pero utilizando diversos medios sin importar su legitimidad; es decir se practicó un comportamiento hegemonista. En esta Comisión se aprobó que desde ese momento el máximo órgano de dirección nacional estaría compuesto por 15 miembros, opción que favorecía evidentemente a las organizaciones políticas en desmedro de los llamados no partidarizados. Finalmente, en la investigación se explica cómo el comportamiento hegemonista no es considerado por algunos actores izquierdaunidistas como una expresión ética de la razón instrumental, mientras que otros sí lo reconocen proponiendo además una reflexión interesante que va más allá de la racionalidad política actual del propio socialismo el cual es uno de los resultados de la modernidad colonizadora en los ámbitos del saber y del poder / The intent of this research is to establish the causes and to explain the contradictory political processes that led to the disintegration of the political party Izquierda Unida. The ideological, organizational and behavior conflicts constituted contradictory which in turn caused processes throughout its existence such as: unity and exclusion, the intensification of the contradictions and the final disintegration; which are sections of chapter number three - the main one of this work - named the contradictory political processes. It is in the third subchapter of the third chapter where we analyze how in the First Assembly of Izquierda Unida, the unit disintegrated due to the hegemonic behavior of all its participating actors. Thus, through semi-structured interviews with some of the protagonists of this history and with analysts specialized in the subject, it is verified that in the Plenary Session concerning the work of Committee No. 4 (bylaws), what was truly important to the actors was discussed: the hegemonic control of the National Committee, but using different means regardless of their legitimacy; that is, a hegemonic behavior took place. In this Committee, it was approved that since that date the supreme national management body would be made up of 15 members, an option that obviously favored political organizations at the expense of the so-called non-partisan. Finally, the research explains how the hegemonic behavior is not considered by some left-wing actors as an ethical expression of the instrumental reason, while others do recognize it, also proposing an interesting reflection that goes beyond the current political rationality of the socialism itself which is one of the results of colonizing modernity in the fields of knowledge and power / Tesis

This paper explores two important topics among the political parties and party system literature in Peru: The strength and stability of the political party system in the 80’s and the decade of the 90’s, better known as the «decade of the antipolitics». The contrast between the literature reviewed and the quantitative data from the 7 Municipal Elections, that took place among this time period, attempts to find if this phenomena occurred also at the subnational level. In the decade of the 80’s, the political party system stayed stable with rule of the four most important political parties (APRA, Acción Popular, Izquierda Unida y PPC); however, individually these political parties did not have the same performance. In the decade of the 90’s, the concept «in- dependent» did not fit equally among all the cases and together with the fujimorismo depicted the political scenario of the 90’s. / El presente artículo explora dos temas importantes en la literatura sobre partidos políticos y sistema de partidos en el Perú: la fortaleza y estabilidad del sistema de partidos en la década de los 80 y la década de los 90, más conocida como la «década de la antipolítica». El contraste entre la literatura revisada y los datos cuantitativos de las 7 elecciones municipales que tuvieron lugar a lo largo de este período de tiempo, propone buscar si dichos fenómenos se presentaron también en el nivel subnacional. En la década de los 80, el sistema de partidos políticos se mantuvo estable con el dominio de los cuatro grandes partidos (APRA, Acción Popular, Izquierda Unida y PPC); sin embargo, individualmente estos no tuvieron el mismo desempeño. En la década de los 90, la definición de «independiente» no encajó igualmente en todos los casos y junto con el fujimorismo caracterizaron el escenario político de los 90.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2018-03-19T18:00:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elcio Mendonca.pdf: 11467669 bytes, checksum: b8abc5621c00adfdcfdd62778b689780 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-19T18:00:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elcio Mendonca.pdf: 11467669 bytes, checksum: b8abc5621c00adfdcfdd62778b689780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-09 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP / This research aims to analyze the Omride Dynasty as the founder of the first independent state of Israel in the ninth century BCE. This was the only time in history that Israel rules completely independently. Instead of being dominated, it was Israel who dominated. The kings of the Omride Dynasty expanded their territory, reaching the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, southern Syria, Transjordan and dominating over Judah. The founding of Samaria by Omri was the beginning of the first Israelite state. Omri built the city and made great works by uniting various architectural aspects and innovating with others, in a way that formed an architectural model for all buildings omridas by the vast territory. Northern Israel has all the characteristics of a developed state, according to the theories of the establishment of the states of Childe and Liverani. Sumptuous palaces, public and administrative buildings, specialized labor, collection of taxes, temples, surplus production, industries, body of scribes and developed writing. Judah had none of this, on the contrary, during the ninth century BCE, was small and without resources. Judah only becomes a developed state in the eighth century BCE, after Israel North was undone by the Assyrians. But despite all this, the Omride Dynasty is seen with the worst, most sinful and most perverse of all, its kings, especially Omri and Ahab, are evaluated in the biblical narratives, as the worst kings of Israel. This is because the history of Israel as we have it in the Bible was edited and compiled by Judah, when Northern Israel was destroyed, this favored Judah in biblical history. This research intends to do the opposite way, understanding the history of Israel from Northern Israel. And for that, the method used will be the exegetical analysis and the analysis of the archaeological findings. Exegesis with archeology to unravel the history of northern Israel from the ninth century BCE, which was not told in the biblical texts. For this, study visits were carried out in almost all the sites analyzed in this research (sites of Israel, Palestine and Jordan), excavations were also carried out at the archaeological site of Tel Megiddo (2016), with archaeologist Israel Finkelstein, one of the references of this search. As for the results, Israel North was in fact the first Israeli state, and the only one in all of Israel's history to exist and govern independently. The vast territory dominated by the Omride Dynasty is practically the same as the United Monarchy of David and Solomon. There is a strong possibility that the idea of the United Monarchy came from the memories of a powerful, prosperous and extensive kingdom that ruled North and South, Transjordan, and reached Syria, which had strong trade links with the Phoenician. At last, the only kingdom that did all this, was the one of the omrida dynasty. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a dinastia omrida como a fundadora do primeiro Estado independente de Israel, no séc. IX AEC. Este foi o único momento da história que Israel governa de modo totalmente independente. Ao invés de ser dominado era Israel quem dominava. A dinastia dos reis omridas expandiu seu território alcançando a costa do mar Mediterrâneo, o sul da Síria, a Transjordânia e dominando sobre Judá. A fundação de Samaria por Omri foi o início do primeiro estado israelita. Omri edificou a cidade e realizou grandes obras unindo vários aspectos arquitetônicos existentes e inovando com outros, de forma que formou um modelo arquitetônico para todas as construções omridas pelo vasto território. Israel Norte possui todas as características de um estado desenvolvido, conforme as teorias de formação dos estados de Childe e Liverani. Palácios suntuosos, edifícios públicos e administrativos, mão-de-obra especializada, cobrança de tributos, templos, produção excedente, indústrias, corpo de escribas e escrita desenvolvida. Judá não possuía nada disso, ao contrário, durante o séc. IX AEC era pequeno e sem recursos. Judá se tornou um estado desenvolvido somente no séc. VIII AEC, depois que Israel Norte foi destruído pelos assírios. Mas apesar de tudo isso, a dinastia omrida é vista com a pior, mais pecadora e mais perversa de todas, seus reis, principalmente, Omri e Acab são avaliados nas narrativas bíblicas como os piores reis de Israel. Isso porque a história de Israel como a temos na Bíblia, foi editada e compilada por Judá, quando Israel Norte já não existia, isto favoreceu Judá na história bíblica. Esta pesquisa pretende fazer o caminho inverso, entender a história de Israel a partir de Israel Norte. E para isso, o método utilizado será a análise exegética e a análise dos achados arqueológicos. A exegese com a arqueologia para desvendar a história de Israel Norte do séc. IX AEC, que não foi registrada nos textos bíblicos. Para isso, foram realizadas visitas de estudo em quase todos os sítios analisados nesta pesquisa (sítios de Israel, Palestina e Jordânia), também foram realizadas escavações no sítio arqueológico de Tel Megiddo (2016), com o arqueólogo Israel Finkelstein, um dos referenciais desta pesquisa. Quanto aos resultados, Israel Norte, no período da dinastia omrida, de fato foi o primeiro estado israelita e o único de toda a história de Israel a existir e governar de forma independente. O vasto território dominado pela dinastia omrida é praticamente o mesmo da Monarquia Unida de Davi e Salomão. Há grande possibilidade de que a ideia de Monarquia Unida tenha vindo das memórias de um reino poderoso, próspero e extenso que governou o Norte e o Sul, a Transjordânia e chegou até a Síria, que tinha fortes ligações comerciais com a Fenícia. Enfim, o único reino que fez tudo isso foi o da dinastia omrida.

La presente investigación pretende establecer cuáles fueron y en qué consistieron los procesos políticos contradictorios que devinieron en la desintegración del frente político Izquierda Unida. Las pugnas de carácter ideológico, organizacional y comportamental constituyeron dimensiones contradictorias que a su vez conformaron procesos que se desplegaron a lo largo de su existencia: el de la unidad y exclusión, el de la agudización de las contradicciones y el de la desarticulación final; y que componen las partes integrantes del capítulo número tres ─el central de esta tesis─ denominado los procesos políticos contradictorios. Es en el tercer subcapítulo de la última parte indicada, en el que analizamos cómo en el I Congreso de Izquierda Unida la unidad se desintegró debido al comportamiento hegemonista que ejercieron todos sus actores integrantes. De esta manera, a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas a algunos actores protagonistas de esta historia y a analistas especializados en el tema, se corrobora que en la Plenaria sobre lo trabajado en la Comisión N° 4, la de Estatutos, se disputó lo verdaderamente importante para los actores: el control hegemónico del Comité Directivo Nacional, pero utilizando diversos medios sin importar su legitimidad; es decir se practicó un comportamiento hegemonista. En esta Comisión se aprobó que desde ese momento el máximo órgano de dirección nacional estaría compuesto por 15 miembros, opción que favorecía evidentemente a las organizaciones políticas en desmedro de los llamados no partidarizados. Finalmente, en la investigación se explica cómo el comportamiento hegemonista no es considerado por algunos actores izquierdaunidistas como una expresión ética de la razón instrumental, mientras que otros sí lo reconocen proponiendo además una reflexión interesante que va más allá de la racionalidad política actual del propio socialismo el cual es uno de los resultados de la modernidad colonizadora en los ámbitos del saber y del poder / The intent of this research is to establish the causes and to explain the contradictory political processes that led to the disintegration of the political party Izquierda Unida. The ideological, organizational and behavior conflicts constituted contradictory which in turn caused processes throughout its existence such as: unity and exclusion, the intensification of the contradictions and the final disintegration; which are sections of chapter number three - the main one of this work - named the contradictory political processes. It is in the third subchapter of the third chapter where we analyze how in the First Assembly of Izquierda Unida, the unit disintegrated due to the hegemonic behavior of all its participating actors. Thus, through semi-structured interviews with some of the protagonists of this history and with analysts specialized in the subject, it is verified that in the Plenary Session concerning the work of Committee No. 4 (bylaws), what was truly important to the actors was discussed: the hegemonic control of the National Committee, but using different means regardless of their legitimacy; that is, a hegemonic behavior took place. In this Committee, it was approved that since that date the supreme national management body would be made up of 15 members, an option that obviously favored political organizations at the expense of the so-called non-partisan. Finally, the research explains how the hegemonic behavior is not considered by some left-wing actors as an ethical expression of the instrumental reason, while others do recognize it, also proposing an interesting reflection that goes beyond the current political rationality of the socialism itself which is one of the results of colonizing modernity in the fields of knowledge and power

En América Latina, diversos partidos y organizaciones políticas de izquierda han experimentado, especialmente en las últimas décadas del siglo XX, procesos de adaptación exitosos a sus respec- tivos sistemas sociopolíticos. La adaptación se constituye como una característica indispensable para asegurar la supervivencia política frente a contextos en constante transformación, los cuales presentan diversos desafíos a las estructuras partidarias de la región. No obstante, una experiencia fallida de adaptación se ejemplifica en el caso de la Izquierda Unida peruana de la década de 1980. Para entender la caída de Izquierda Unida, este trabajo construye sobre la extensa literatura referida a la izquierda en el Perú, aproximándose al caso de estudio a partir de la exploración de variables relacionadas al sindicalismo y a los gobiernos locales. Asimismo, con el objetivo de relacionar procesos políticos en paralelo, se presenta una comparación con el Partido de Trabajadores brasileño.

This dissertation analyzes Fort Worth's Mexican community from 1960 to 2000 while considering the idea of citizenship through representation in education and politics. After establishing an introductory chapter that places the research in context with traditional Chicano scholarship while utilizing prominent ideas and theories that exist within Modern Imperial studies, the ensuing chapter looks into the rise of Fort Worth's Mexican population over the last four decades of the twentieth century. Thereafter, this work brings the attention to Mexican education in Fort Worth beginning in the 1960s and going through the end of the twentieth century. This research shows some of the struggles Mexicans encountered as they sought increased representation in the classroom, on the school board, and within other areas of the Fort Worth Independent School District. Meanwhile, Mexicans were in direct competition with African Americans who also sought increased representation while simultaneously pushing for more aggressive integration efforts against the wishes of Mexican leadership. Subsequently, this research moves the attention to political power in Fort Worth, primarily focusing on the Fort Worth city council. Again, this dissertation begins in the 1960s after the Fort Worth opened the election of the mayor to the people of Fort Worth. No Mexican was ever elected to city council prior to the rise of single-member districts despite several efforts by various community leaders. Chapter V thus culminates with the rise of single-member districts in 1977 which transitions the research to chapter VI when Mexicans were finally successful in garnering political representation on the city council. Finally, Chapter VII concludes the twentieth century beginning with the rapid rise and fall of an organization called Hispanic 2000, an organization that sought increased Mexican representation but soon fell apart because of differences of opinion. In concluding the research, the final chapter provides an evaluation of the lack of Mexican representation both in Fort Worth education and in the political realm. Furthermore, the finishing chapter places Fort Worth's Mexican situation within the context of both Chicano history as well as identify some key aspects of the history of modern empire. This investigation poses pertinent questions regarding the lack of Mexican representation while African Americans end the century well-represented on the school board, in education jobs, and on the city council.