Although a lot of people are not familiar with the term non-political politics, it has its indisputable place in the Czech history. It has evolved from thoughts of Karel Havlíček Borovský as a solution to the nation which was facing lack of its independence and was based upon awareness of national culture and self-governance. This conception was later adopted by Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, who implemented the idea into its own political programme aimed at free and educated society. His non-political approach reflected intellectual and steady attitude with a manifest perspective which made him a leading person in establishing an independent state of Czechs and Slovaks. In 1970s, Václav Havel restored non-political idea and designed it for the purpose of the confrontation with the communist regime. Owing to his authority, non-political politics became again one of the main mechanisms leading to political pluralism. The topic of non-political politics, which is often perceived as the legacy of Václav Havel, is still present in the days of growing scepticism towards a democratic system with political parties. This thesis aims at description of non-political approach of K.H.B., T.G.M. and Václav Havel. It also attempts to ascertain if there is some similarity and continuity among the attitudes using the...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Acacio Augusto Sebastiao Junior.pdf: 1898024 bytes, checksum: d6c801c34ba3a505bc65ee9a0f70bfca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Anarchy is a historical practice of confrontation with the established powers, fighting against authority and in opposition to the production of subjectication. Anarchy incites an antipolitics which assures itself by the attitude of revolt. The thesis situates the libertarian culture as a result of the production of the free life that is experienced within the fight as a practice of freedom. One of its points of potency lies in the Stirnerian critical attitude present in the formation of the associations of the unique. However, considering the current context of neoliberal governmentality, and following the analysis made by Michel Foucault, the anti-globalization movement and its inaugural practice of spectacular protests are as technologies of government changing. Among the intense monitoring and communication flows, anarchist practices are captured and incorporated as a way to invigorate the movement. Many of them feed the renewed production of theories and then become metamorphosed into modulations that extend the calls for participation in the society of control. In the agonism of forces they produce counter-spectacles such as the Black Bloc tactics and can be traversed by parresiastic attitudes like the anarchist terrorism from the late 19th century or the Greeks demonstrations from the begging of the 21th century. The fire, arisen, produces and discerns. It cuts through conducts and counter-conducts as an anti-conduct of the libertarian culture including inside the anarchisms. The research emphasized this moving production of freedom and securitizations amid the Greek fire since December 2008 and its aftermath in the contemporary anarchy. It realizes that state terror does not cease, as well terrorisms. Anti-conducts emerge unexpected, imperceptible, minors, as expressions of the libertarian culture taken as revolt / A anarquia é uma prática histórica de confronto com os poderes, luta contra as formas de autoridade e avessa à produção dos assujeitamentos. Provoca a antipolítica que se afirma pela atitude de revolta. A tese situa a cultura libertária como resultante da produção da vida livre que se experimenta na luta como prática de liberdade. Um de seus pontos de potência encontra-se a partir da atitude critica stirneriana pela formação de associações de únicos. Entretanto, no interior do atual quadro da governamentalidade neoliberal, seguindo as análises de Michael Foucault, o movimento antiglobalização e sua inaugural prática de protestos espetaculares, encontra-se, como as tecnologias de governo, em mutação. Em meio aos monitoramentos e os intensos fluxos comunicacionais, as práticas anarquistas são capturadas ou incorporadas como maneira de dinamizar o movimento. Muitas delas alimentam a produção renovada de teorias e se metamorfoseiam em modulações que ampliam as convocações à participação na sociedade de controle. No agonismo das forças, produzem contra-espetáculos, como a tática Black Bloc, e podem ser atravessadas por atitudes parrasiastas, como as do terrorismo anarquista do final do século XIX e dos gregos no começo do século XXI. O fogo, ao sobrevir, produz e discerne. Ele atravessa condutas e contracondutas como a anticonduta da cultura libertária também nos anarquismos. A pesquisa enfatizou essa produção em movimento por liberdades e securitizações, em meio ao fogo grego desde o dezembro de 2008 e seus desdobramentos na anarquia contemporânea. Constata-se que o terror de Estado não cessa, assim como os terrorismos. Anticondutas emergem surpreendentes, imperceptíveis, menores, como expressões da cultura libertária como revolta

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Acacio Augusto Sebastiao Junior.pdf: 1898024 bytes, checksum: d6c801c34ba3a505bc65ee9a0f70bfca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Anarchy is a historical practice of confrontation with the established powers, fighting against authority and in opposition to the production of subjectication. Anarchy incites an antipolitics which assures itself by the attitude of revolt. The thesis situates the libertarian culture as a result of the production of the free life that is experienced within the fight as a practice of freedom. One of its points of potency lies in the Stirnerian critical attitude present in the formation of the associations of the unique. However, considering the current context of neoliberal governmentality, and following the analysis made by Michel Foucault, the anti-globalization movement and its inaugural practice of spectacular protests are as technologies of government changing. Among the intense monitoring and communication flows, anarchist practices are captured and incorporated as a way to invigorate the movement. Many of them feed the renewed production of theories and then become metamorphosed into modulations that extend the calls for participation in the society of control. In the agonism of forces they produce counter-spectacles such as the Black Bloc tactics and can be traversed by parresiastic attitudes like the anarchist terrorism from the late 19th century or the Greeks demonstrations from the begging of the 21th century. The fire, arisen, produces and discerns. It cuts through conducts and counter-conducts as an anti-conduct of the libertarian culture including inside the anarchisms. The research emphasized this moving production of freedom and securitizations amid the Greek fire since December 2008 and its aftermath in the contemporary anarchy. It realizes that state terror does not cease, as well terrorisms. Anti-conducts emerge unexpected, imperceptible, minors, as expressions of the libertarian culture taken as revolt / A anarquia é uma prática histórica de confronto com os poderes, luta contra as formas de autoridade e avessa à produção dos assujeitamentos. Provoca a antipolítica que se afirma pela atitude de revolta. A tese situa a cultura libertária como resultante da produção da vida livre que se experimenta na luta como prática de liberdade. Um de seus pontos de potência encontra-se a partir da atitude critica stirneriana pela formação de associações de únicos. Entretanto, no interior do atual quadro da governamentalidade neoliberal, seguindo as análises de Michael Foucault, o movimento antiglobalização e sua inaugural prática de protestos espetaculares, encontra-se, como as tecnologias de governo, em mutação. Em meio aos monitoramentos e os intensos fluxos comunicacionais, as práticas anarquistas são capturadas ou incorporadas como maneira de dinamizar o movimento. Muitas delas alimentam a produção renovada de teorias e se metamorfoseiam em modulações que ampliam as convocações à participação na sociedade de controle. No agonismo das forças, produzem contra-espetáculos, como a tática Black Bloc, e podem ser atravessadas por atitudes parrasiastas, como as do terrorismo anarquista do final do século XIX e dos gregos no começo do século XXI. O fogo, ao sobrevir, produz e discerne. Ele atravessa condutas e contracondutas como a anticonduta da cultura libertária também nos anarquismos. A pesquisa enfatizou essa produção em movimento por liberdades e securitizações, em meio ao fogo grego desde o dezembro de 2008 e seus desdobramentos na anarquia contemporânea. Constata-se que o terror de Estado não cessa, assim como os terrorismos. Anticondutas emergem surpreendentes, imperceptíveis, menores, como expressões da cultura libertária como revolta

The diploma thesis deals with the Autonomous social centre Klinika in the Prague district of Žižkov and the left-wing, mostly anarchist, groups that affiliate with the centre. The thesis studies the current shape and form of media discourse related to the far-left political scene in the Czech Republic. Using the critical discource approach, the thesis analyzes a number of texts from the multimedia company MAFRA (Lidovky.cz, iDnes.cz) and that of alternative left-wing media (A2larm.cz, Denikreferendum.cz). The thesis investigates whether the fact that the publishing house is owned by the anti-politician Andrej Babiš projected in any way in case of the right-wing (centre- right) media. The main finding is, that the scrutinized right-wing media consistently avoid the question of legitimacy of squatting but their approach to squatting and leftist activist scene is not hostile. On the other hand, the scrutinized leftist media emphasize the legitimacy of squatting. The influence of Andrej Babiš was not confirmed.

War Schelling ein politischer Denker? Und wenn ja, wie lässt sich seine politische Denkweise einordnen? Die Antworten auf beide Fragen gehen in der Forschung weit auseinander. Die vorliegende Dissertation schlägt daher eine neue Lesart vor, in dem sie Schelling als Antipolitiker deutet. Hierdurch gelingt es, der Ambivalenz und Breite Schellings Politikauffassung Rechnung zu tragen und die bisherige Forschung aus der Perspektive herauszuführen, die den Autor entweder als „unpolitischen Denker“ oder „politisch-reaktionären Denker“ verstanden wissen will. Die Arbeit begreift Antipolitik dabei als ein Unternehmen, welche das „Überinklusive“ und „Unausweichliche“ am Politik-Begriff zurückweist und im Gegenzug den Raum des Privatbürgerlichen, ja der Gesellschaft verteidigt. Die Praktikabilität des Begriffs wird in der Arbeit sowohl in Bezug auf Schelling als auch in Bezug auf spätere Fallbeispiele wie Heinrich von Treitschke, Constantin Franz oder Friedrich Nietzsche demonstriert. Außerdem plädiert die Untersuchung dafür, Antipolitik auch als ein aktuelles Phänomen zu begreifen, das sich in Gesellschaft immer dann formiert, wenn die Privatsphäre, der nichtpolitische Bereich, durch „staatliche Übergriffe“ oder „politisches Fehlversagen“ tangiert wird. / Was Schelling a political thinker? And if he was, what kind of political idea did Schelling prefer? These questions have been differently discussed in literature during the last decades. The following thesis argues for a new interpretation of Schelling as an antipolitician. The term antipolitics copes with Schelling’s ambivalent political thinking and avoids the recent perspective in research classifying him as a nonpolitical philosopher or reactionist. Antipolitics is described as an ambition that rejects the „unavoidable“ and „Überinklusive“ of politics in order to strengthen the area of privacy and society. The paper demonstrates the practicability of the term using the example of Schelling and also later authors like Heinrich von Treitschke, Constantin Franz or Friedrich Nietzsche. Moreover, the thesis argues that antipolitics can also be seen as a modern phenomenon, which usually takes place when privacy or the non-political space is restricted by political power.

Ce mémoire a pour principal objectif de contester le lien existant entre démocratisation et acteurs associatifs. Pour ce faire, nous avons opté pour une étude de cas. Nous nous sommes intéressés aux Organisations Non Gouvernementales (ONG) travaillant avec les mères célibataires au Maroc. Ces femmes vivent une situation d’exclusion, ayant eu des relations sexuelles hors mariage – ce qui est puni par la loi. Originellement, les ONG les prenant en charge tentent de les sortir de leur marginalité, de faciliter leur inclusion sociale et, par extension, d’améliorer la condition des femmes au Maroc. En d’autres termes, ces ONG participeraient, d’une certaine manière, à bonifier le « capital social » et à politiser des sujets sensibles – et donc à conforter la doxa évoquée plus haut. En réalité, c’est plutôt un processus inverse qui est à l’œuvre. En réalité, l’État se « décharge » (Hibou 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2011) de la question des mères célibataires sur les ONG. Une décharge qui s’inscrit dans un mouvement plus large de « privatisation » (Catusse 2008), dictée par des préceptes néolibéraux. Grosso modo¸ l’on règle la situation, selon une logique de « résolutions de problèmes », sans forcément s’attaquer à ses ressorts profonds. Sous cet angle, loin de renforcer la démocratisation ou l’amélioration de la condition des femmes, nous sommes plus face à un statu quo qui maintient et renforce les pratiques autoritaires. En somme, les ONG finissent par alimenter une situation d’« antipolitique » (Schedler 1997) en devenant, malgré eux, des instruments de désamorçage des problématiques sociales et politiques. / The main purpose of this dissertation is to question the link between democratization and its associative actors. To accomplish this, a case study was conducted. The focus of this case study was centred around non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working with single mothers in Morocco. These women are living in situations of social exclusion due to their participation in non-marital sexual relations, an act that is punishable by law in Morocco. On a superficial level, the NGOs taking care of these women strive to remove them from the margins of society, facilitate their social inclusion and, by extension, improve the status of women in Morocco. Presented in a certain light, these NGOs would seemingly contribute to improve "social capital" and politicize sensitive subjects – and thus reinforce the aforementioned doxa. In actuality, it is rather a reverse process that is at work. In fact, the state "unloads" (Hibou 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2011) the issue of single mothers onto the NGOs. A « discharge » that is part of a wider movement of "privatization" (Catusse 2008), dictated by neoliberal precepts. This situation is resolved according to the logic of "problem solving", without necessarily tackling its root causes. Viewed from this perspective, we are faced with the disillusion that instead of strengthening democratization or improving the status of women in Morocco, NGOs reinforce a status quo that maintains and strengthens authoritarian practices. In short, NGOs end up fueling an "anti-political" situation (Schedler 1997) by becoming, in spite of themselves, instruments for defusing social and political problematics.

This paper explores two important topics among the political parties and party system literature in Peru: The strength and stability of the political party system in the 80’s and the decade of the 90’s, better known as the «decade of the antipolitics». The contrast between the literature reviewed and the quantitative data from the 7 Municipal Elections, that took place among this time period, attempts to find if this phenomena occurred also at the subnational level. In the decade of the 80’s, the political party system stayed stable with rule of the four most important political parties (APRA, Acción Popular, Izquierda Unida y PPC); however, individually these political parties did not have the same performance. In the decade of the 90’s, the concept «in- dependent» did not fit equally among all the cases and together with the fujimorismo depicted the political scenario of the 90’s. / El presente artículo explora dos temas importantes en la literatura sobre partidos políticos y sistema de partidos en el Perú: la fortaleza y estabilidad del sistema de partidos en la década de los 80 y la década de los 90, más conocida como la «década de la antipolítica». El contraste entre la literatura revisada y los datos cuantitativos de las 7 elecciones municipales que tuvieron lugar a lo largo de este período de tiempo, propone buscar si dichos fenómenos se presentaron también en el nivel subnacional. En la década de los 80, el sistema de partidos políticos se mantuvo estable con el dominio de los cuatro grandes partidos (APRA, Acción Popular, Izquierda Unida y PPC); sin embargo, individualmente estos no tuvieron el mismo desempeño. En la década de los 90, la definición de «independiente» no encajó igualmente en todos los casos y junto con el fujimorismo caracterizaron el escenario político de los 90.