Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

FERREIRA , Emmanoel Lima. O PSTU e as reformas previdenciária e universitária no governo Lula da Silva. 2011. 306 f. Tese(Doutorado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do CEARÁ, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós- Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2011. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-24T16:52:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA EMMANOEL LIMA TESE DE DOUTORADO.pdf: 2859955 bytes, checksum: 78acd1ab00ecc2fd52f03883a3dd70a7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-28T14:56:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA EMMANOEL LIMA TESE DE DOUTORADO.pdf: 2859955 bytes, checksum: 78acd1ab00ecc2fd52f03883a3dd70a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-28T14:56:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERREIRA EMMANOEL LIMA TESE DE DOUTORADO.pdf: 2859955 bytes, checksum: 78acd1ab00ecc2fd52f03883a3dd70a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This study is an investigation on the positioning of the Unified Socialist Workers Party (PSTU, from the acronym in portuguese) in face of Lula da Silva’s pension and university reforms, during his first mandate (2003-2006), focusing on the roots of the theoretical and political conflict between the PSTU and Workers Party (PT, from the acronym in portuguese), on the PSTU’s characterization about government and about the mentioned reforms and on the ways to fight this party used to express its resistance to the government reforms. To achieve this goal, the author had taken declarations from two national leaders and from a Ceará PSTU leader, collected by semistructured interviews. There was, also, an analysis of documentary sources on this tesis subject, such as laws, ordinances, decrees, opinions, interim measures (MPs from the acronym in portuguese), constitutional amendment proposals, official reports, the PSTU newspaper - Socialist Review (2003 editions to 2006, the insues concerned to the pension and university reforms), magazines, books, parties programs, declarations from PSTU and PT meetings and national conferences. The results showed that: a) the root of the theoretical and political conflict between the PSTU and PT’s leadership comes from the beginning, the two parties have distinct historical and programmatic matrices, b) PSTU characterizes the Lula government as a popular front government sui generis; c) PSTU caught several disputes, trying to consolidate itself as a party among the working class and, during the pension and university reforms strungle, when the party had expressed the opinion that these reforms did not indicate the rights expansion and universalization, but were framed within the structural adjustment d) PSTU faced the sui generis popular front government and its reforms by means of direct actions - marches, demonstrations, public events, flyers in the trade union movement, strikes (as the one occurred in 2003 against the pension reform), propaganda, agitation, debates and plebiscites, etc. / O presente trabalho investigou o posicionamento do Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado-PSTU perante o governo Lula da Silva e a reforma previdenciária e universitária, em seu primeiro mandato (2003-2006), enfocando a raiz do conflito teórico e político existente entre o PSTU e o PT, a caracterização que o PSTU faz do governo e das referidas reformas e as formas de luta que este partido utilizou para expressar sua resistência ao governo e às reformas. Para consecução de tal objetivo, realizaram-se entrevistas semiestruturadas com dois dirigentes nacionais e um dirigente estadual do PSTU. Procedeu-se, também, à análise de fontes documentais referentes ao tema, tais como: leis, portarias, decretos, pareceres, medidas provisórias-MP, propostas de emenda constitucional, relatórios oficiais, o Jornal do PSTU — Opinião Socialista (edições de 2003 a 2006) — referentes à reforma previdenciária e universitária, revistas, livros, cartas programáticas, declarações de encontros e de congressos nacionais do PSTU e PT. Os resultados permitiram concluir que: a) a raiz do conflito teórico e político entre o PSTU e a direção do PT estava dada desde o início, pois eram matrizes programáticas e históricas distintas; b) o PSTU caracteriza o governo Lula como um governo de frente popular sui generis; c) oPSTU travou várias disputas, procurando se consolidar como partido no seio da classe trabalhadora, e, no transcorrer das reformas previdenciária e universitária, caracterizava que o sentido destas não apontava para a ampliação dos direitos e de sua universalização, mas estavam enquadradas dentro do que se intitulou de ajustes estruturais; d) a resistência do PSTU ao governo de frente popular sui generis e às reformas foi realizada por meio da ação direta — marchas; mobilizações; atos públicos; volantes no movimento sindical; greves, como a que ocorreu no ano de 2003 contra a reforma da previdência; propaganda; agitação, debates e plebiscito etc.

Durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, le système universitaire chilien a connu trois importantes transformations successives : la Réforme universitaire commencée en 1967, l’intervention militaire des universités à partir de 1973 et la législation universitaire imposée entre la fin de 1980 et le début de 1981. Durant ces différents processus, l’expérience de l’Université Catholique du Chili a été à la fois particulière et caractéristique. Sa particularité est notable dans la manière avec laquelle chacune de ces transformations se sont déroulées en son sein. Elle montre, outre sa condition d’institution d’élite, catholique et pontificale, l’existence d’une grande variété d’acteurs, de motivations et de relations, dont les tensions se gèrent par des stratégies et des mécanismes caractéristiques de sa communauté universitaire. Mais elle est aussi emblématique car les rapports de force qui traversent les acteurs de l’Université Catholique reflètent bien la variété et la complexité des logiques et intérêts en jeu, qui se retrouvent dans les autres universités chiliennes. / The Chilean university system experienced three important and successive transformations in the second half of the twentieth century: the university reform which began in 1967, the military intervention in universities starting in 1973 and the imposition of university legislation from late 1980 and early 1981. The experience of the Catholic University of Chile throughout these processes was as unusual as it was revealing. Unusual because the effect of each of these transformations on the university not only shed light on its position as an elite, catholic and pontifical institution, but also exposed a variety of actors, causes and relationships, and thetensions between them, which were managed through strategies and mechanisms characteristic of the university community. And revealing because the power relationships between the university’s own actors, compared with those of other institutions, painted a more complex and complete picture of the different ideas and interests at stake, whose influence was not restricted to the Catholic University of Chile, but extended to Chilean universities in general.

Sur la base d’une étude historique des rapports entre les cycles techno-économiques du système mondial et le processus de transformation économique, politique et idéologique d’un pays périphérique comme l’Équateur, cette recherche présente une analyse critique sur le processus de développement du champ technoscientifique de ce pays et le projet de modernisation postnéolibéral mis en place par son gouvernement entre 2007-2017. L’exposition est organisée en deux parties. La première analyse les rapports entre les transformations techno-économiques mondiales et les cycles économiques et politiques locaux ; les rapports entre ces cycles, les vagues de modernisation du système d’éducation supérieure équatorien et la reproduction des élites locales ; et enfin, les rapports entre ces deux derniers et le processus de développement scientifique, technologique et industriel du pays. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l'étude en détail du dernier de ces cycles, caractérisé par la mise en place du projet postnéolibéral de modernisation technoscientifique. Cette étude se focalise particulièrement sur trois projets : la réforme de l’éducation supérieure, le programme de bourses d’étude à l’étranger et le projet de construction de Yachay, une ville dédiée à la science, à la technologie et à l’innovation. Les résultats de ces analyses dévoilent le caractère idéologique de ces projets, conçus et dirigés par un même réseau d’intellectuels et financés par l’essor des exportations de matières premières qui a accompagné cette phase ascendante du cycle périphérique. Enfermés dans leur quête idéologique d’un modèle de développement alternatif et les contraintes imposées par les processus de transformation du système mondial, ces acteurs ont fini par produire un projet de modernisation contradictoire basé sur une abstraction empirique adaptée à leurs besoins de légitimation politique. La fin de l’essor économique a dévoilé les limites de ce projet idéologique dont les résultats concrets sont une plus lourde bureaucratie, le gaspillage des ressources publiques et l’accumulation de pouvoir. Nous suggérons que ce résultat est un effet du décalage entre les cycles de transformation à la périphérie et au centre du système mondial et du processus de reconfiguration global liée à la montée de l’influence chinoise et au déploiement de la dernière vague de transformations techno-économiques. Cette recherchée s’inscrit ainsi dans la lignée de réflexion sur les transformations du système mondial. / Based on a historical study of the relationship between the techno-economic cycles of the global system and the economic, political and ideological transformations in Ecuador, this research presents a critical analysis of the development process of the technoscientific field in this country and the post-neoliberal modernization project implemented by its government between 2007-2017. The thesis has two parts. The first one develops an analysis on three levels: the relationships between the global techno-economic cycles and the political and economic transformations in Ecuador; the relationships between these transformations, the waves of modernization of the Ecuadorian higher education system and the reproduction of local elites; and the relationship between the latter and the scientific, technological and industrial development of the country. The second part presents a detailed study of the last cycle, characterized by the implementation of the post-neoliberal project of technoscientific modernization. This study focuses, particularly, on three projects: the higher education reform, the scholarship program for studies abroad and the Yachay technopole project. These analysis results reveal the ideological character of these projects, designed and directed by the same network of intellectuals and financed by the rise of commodity exports which accompanied this upward phase of the peripheral cycle. Trapped in their ideological quest for an alternative development model and the constraints imposed by the transformation processes of the global system, these actors have finally produced a contradictory modernization project based on an empirical abstraction adapted to their needs for political legitimization. The end of the economic upswing has unveiled the limits of this ideological project whose concrete results are a heavier bureaucracy, waste of public resources and the accumulation of power. We suggest that this result is an effect of the three interrelated processes: the gap between the transformation cycles at the periphery and at the center of the global system, the global reconfiguration linked to the rise of Chinese influence and the deployment of the latest techno-economic wave of innovation. This research aims thus to contribute to the debate on the historical transformations of the global system.