Desde o fim da era das remoções, o foco de preocupação do Estado em relação às favelas tem se deslocado da urbanização para a violência, em especial para o tráfico de drogas. A militarização da questão da violência urbana se manifesta de forma definitiva com a inauguração das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora nas comunidades carentes cariocas. A despeito dos aspectos positivos imediatos, a ausência de participação popular no processo de ocupação pelo Estado desses espaços segregados têm levantado preocupações, não apenas quanto à eficiência do programa em longo prazo, como também com a possibilidade de instauração de um Estado policial altamente repressivo. Esse trabalho analisa a utilização de mecanismos de gestão e planejamento democráticos como forma de aprimorar o programa de ocupação das favelas, partindo do pressuposto de que a participação política pode contribuir para a maximização dos direitos fundamentais. Para isso, estuda-se com profundidade a história dos atores políticos presentes nessas comunidades, além dos instrumentos existentes e possíveis no Direito Brasileiro para participação popular. Após a análise dos aspectos sociológicos e históricos que explicam a situação atual das favelas cariocas, ao fim, propõe-se um modelo de gestão democrática que aproveite ao máximo seu potencial de participação. / Since the end of the slums removals in Rio de Janeiro, the States main concern in these areas has changed from their urbanization to the issue of violence, especially the drug smuggling. The militarization of the urban violence showed its definite form by the installation of Peace-Making Police Units in poor communities in Rio de Janeiro. Despite immediate positive aspects, the lack of popular participation in the process of occupation of these segregated zones by the State has raised special concerns, not only about the long-term efficiency of the program, but also about the possibility of a highly repressive Police State. This dissertation analyzes the use of democratic administration and planning with the purpose of improving the program of occupation in the favelas, in accordance with the belief that wider political participation can facilitate a maximization of human rights. In order to do this, a detailed study of the history of the political players of these communities is made. Also, the existing and possible instruments of popular participation in Brazilian Law are presented. After the analysis of social and historic aspects that explains the current situation of Rios slums, the author proposes a model of democratic administration which takes maximal advantage of their participation potential.

Desde o fim da era das remoções, o foco de preocupação do Estado em relação às favelas tem se deslocado da urbanização para a violência, em especial para o tráfico de drogas. A militarização da questão da violência urbana se manifesta de forma definitiva com a inauguração das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora nas comunidades carentes cariocas. A despeito dos aspectos positivos imediatos, a ausência de participação popular no processo de ocupação pelo Estado desses espaços segregados têm levantado preocupações, não apenas quanto à eficiência do programa em longo prazo, como também com a possibilidade de instauração de um Estado policial altamente repressivo. Esse trabalho analisa a utilização de mecanismos de gestão e planejamento democráticos como forma de aprimorar o programa de ocupação das favelas, partindo do pressuposto de que a participação política pode contribuir para a maximização dos direitos fundamentais. Para isso, estuda-se com profundidade a história dos atores políticos presentes nessas comunidades, além dos instrumentos existentes e possíveis no Direito Brasileiro para participação popular. Após a análise dos aspectos sociológicos e históricos que explicam a situação atual das favelas cariocas, ao fim, propõe-se um modelo de gestão democrática que aproveite ao máximo seu potencial de participação. / Since the end of the slums removals in Rio de Janeiro, the States main concern in these areas has changed from their urbanization to the issue of violence, especially the drug smuggling. The militarization of the urban violence showed its definite form by the installation of Peace-Making Police Units in poor communities in Rio de Janeiro. Despite immediate positive aspects, the lack of popular participation in the process of occupation of these segregated zones by the State has raised special concerns, not only about the long-term efficiency of the program, but also about the possibility of a highly repressive Police State. This dissertation analyzes the use of democratic administration and planning with the purpose of improving the program of occupation in the favelas, in accordance with the belief that wider political participation can facilitate a maximization of human rights. In order to do this, a detailed study of the history of the political players of these communities is made. Also, the existing and possible instruments of popular participation in Brazilian Law are presented. After the analysis of social and historic aspects that explains the current situation of Rios slums, the author proposes a model of democratic administration which takes maximal advantage of their participation potential.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:21:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carolina Sumaquero Gutmann.pdf: 13348276 bytes, checksum: 58d144cacb6b7cc361abecfade2ebf01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-25 / Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas / The cities that comprise the Campinas Metropolitan Region have been suffering over the last decades from the process of regionalization and metropolization of activities, with impacts on its urban fabric structure and on the organization of its population. The urban segregation, the move towards the outskirts, the intense migratory flow and the physical conurbation among the towns, affect mainly the appropriation of their public spaces. Considering such transformations and the growing loss of the public way of living in the cities, as well as the urban and buildings patrimony, it is in the public spaces where the importance of the identity preservation and the social contacts are observed. The public spaces are also an essential element for the urban centers re-qualification, for they are being depleted from their civic and recreational functions, due to historical processes of real estate speculation and space segregation. Through research, surveys and comparative analyses of actual data about the Valinhos municipality s public spaces with patrimonial value, it is intended to investigate the main transformations and impacts that these spaces experienced with the continuous and disperse onward march of the urbanization process and the devaluation of the original urban fabric. / As cidades que comp?em a Regi?o Metropolitana de Campinas v?m sofrendo nas ?ltimas d?cadas com o processo de regionaliza??o e metropoliza??o das atividades, tendo conseq??ncias na estrutura??o de seu tecido urbano e na organiza??o de sua popula??o. A segrega??o urbana, a periferiza??o, o intenso fluxo migrat?rio e a conurba??o f?sica entre as cidades afetam principalmente a apropria??o de seus espa?os p?blicos. Tendo em conta tais transforma??es e a crescente perda nas cidades dos modos de vida p?blicos, assim como do patrim?nio urbano e edificado, v?-se nos espa?os p?blicos a import?ncia para manuten??o de uma identidade e de um conv?vio social, bem como elemento essencial na requalifica??o de centros urbanos, j? que vem se esvaziando de sua fun??o c?vica e recreativa devido a processos hist?ricos de especula??o imobili?ria e segrega??o espacial. Atrav?s de buscas, levantamentos e an?lises comparativas de dados concretos sobre os espa?os p?blicos de valor patrimonial do munic?pio de Valinhos, pretende-se investigar as principais transforma??es e impactos que estes espa?os sofreram com o avan?o do processo de urbaniza??o cont?nua e dispersa e a desvaloriza??o do tecido urbano original.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:21:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Cosenza de Almeida Franco.pdf: 18932279 bytes, checksum: 4fefff2bba5f0f86bb6d112ccaaa7bf5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-16 / This dissertation has as the main objective identify the people s perception and appropriation in relation with the urban rivers. The object of this study is the Jacar? brook, which is born and flows into the city named Itatiba (SP). With the help of a schedule and pre established standards, interviews were done with different segments of society organized civil society (ONG JAPPA), the municipal public power (mayor), regional water administration institutions (Committee and Consortium of basins), and common citizens which are familiar with the river. Our interviews interpretations allowed us identify the people s collective feelings about the Jacar? brook in the material area (landscape and environment) such as in the symbolic area (sentimental and affective). The definition of an urban river and its characteristic aspects also appear in this work. It aims to evince the relation between the river (water and river bank) and the population in front of the changes since the first quarter of the twenty century. The space that before was designated to leisure and social conviviality became a space hardly used and an urban level almost zero. What was possible to realize with the theorist base and with the interviews is that the complexities of the morphological dynamic of the cities environment reflect in the changes of the society values that used to be in these spaces. The clean river and the accesses to its bank propitiated activities that today are not possible, not only because of the conviviality space and social meeting, but also because the bad quality of these spaces (water and river banks). This study intended to understand the complexity of the relations in the water and urban environment areas, which embraces aspects of accesses, appropriation and a great faculty in the subjective area. Realize these relations, identify in people the feeling of belonging to a natural good and the values change that occurred contribute to a better understanding about the present scenery that embrace Jacar? brook and the futures perspectives of this relation. / Essa pesquisa teve como objetivo principal identificar a percep??o e a apropria??o das pessoas em rela??o aos rios urbanos. O objeto desse estudo foi o ribeir?o Jacar?, que nasce e des?gua na cidade de Itatiba (SP). Com o aux?lio de um roteiro e de crit?rios pr? estabelecidos, foram realizadas entrevistas com os diferentes segmentos da sociedade sociedade civil organizada (ONG JAPPA), poder p?blico municipal (prefeito), ?rg?os gestores da ?gua em ?mbito regional (Comit? e Cons?rcio de bacias), e, cidad?os comuns que se familiarizam com o rio. A nossa interpreta??o das entrevistas permitiu identificar os sentimentos coletivos das pessoas em rela??o ao ribeir?o Jacar?, tanto no campo f?sico (paisag?stico e ambiental) como no campo simb?lico (sentimental e afetivo). A defini??o de um rio urbano e seus aspectos caracter?sticos tamb?m aparece nesse trabalho. Procurou-se evidenciar a rela??o entre rio (?gua e margem) e a popula??o diante das mudan?as ocorridas a partir do primeiro quarto do s?culo XX. Observouse que um espa?o que antes se designava para o lazer e conv?vio social se transformou em um espa?o pouco utilizado e com um grau de urbanidade quase nulo. O que se p?de perceber com o embasamento te?rico e com as entrevistas ? que as complexidades da din?mica morfol?gica do ambiente das cidades refletem nas mudan?as de valores da sociedade que usufru?a e convivia nesses espa?os. O rio limpo e com disponibilidade de acesso ?s suas margens propiciava atividades que hoje se tornam invi?veis, n?o s? pelo pouco espa?o para o conv?vio e encontro social, mas tamb?m pela m? qualidade desses espa?os (tanto das ?guas quanto das margens). Esse estudo procurou compreender a complexidade das rela??es existentes no ?mbito da ?gua no meio urbano, o que envolve aspectos de acessibilidade, apropria??o e uma grande faculdade no campo subjetivo. Perceber essas rela??es, identificar nas pessoas o sentimento de pertencimento de um bem natural e a mudan?a de valores que ocorreram contribuem para uma melhor compreens?o sobre o cen?rio atual da intera??o do ribeir?o Jacar? na cidade e as perspectivas futuras dessa rela??o.

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870 / The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870.