Cette thèse propose une lecture des villes de Rosario et de Montevideo à partir de leurs marges. Elle se centre sur l'expérience urbaine des habitants des marges qui s'investissent dans des organisations de quartier. Le croisement des trajectoires citadines et citoyennes vient interroger le rôle des mobilisations populaires dans la construction de territoires, d'où émergent d'autres centralités, des espaces de proximité et de partage. Dans le brouillage de l'ordre spatial, se construisent des territoires intermédiaires qui permettent des formes d'ancrage ouvertes sur l'extérieur. En liant intrinsèquement ancrage et mobilité, les politiques publiques montevideanas favorisent un ancrage mobile. À Rosario, l'inscription est circulatoire : elle n'existe que dans et par le mouvement. Les organisations de chômeurs sont contraintes à un va-et-vient permanent entre le quartier et l'ailleurs. À Rosario comme à Montevideo, les organisations de quartier se conforment en partie aux rapports institués entre mobilité et ancrage, tout en les renégociant, les contournant, voire en s'y opposant. Des territoires intermédiaires émergent entre expérientiel et institutionnel : entre-deux, ils servent de lien plus que de transition. S'ils permettent des passages vers les espaces institués et légitimés, ils favorisent avant tout les échanges entre expérientiel et institutionnel.

Water is the most important resource on the planet for sustaining life, and many consider access to water as a fundamental human right. However, in light of its necessity, the distribution and allocation of water has become a highly politicized issue. Economic and political conditions have been shown to be influential in shaping a country’s water policy, more so then recognition of water as a basic human right. The reason for this is that many agree that there needs to be a value assigned to water to encourage its conservation and efficient use, and different methods of addressing that issue have led to varying degrees of privatization of water. Whether through the private or public sector, there is an expectation that water be delivered to the people by the government, and it is often the influence of public and private actors within the government that direct the policy for water distribution. Using three cases in Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay it will be demonstrated how water policy has correlated with the political and economic changes within each country.

In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.

In 2008, New Zealand’s gross domestic product (GDP) was four times the size of Uruguay’s, and its export earnings were five times Uruguay’s. Nevertheless, agricultural products accounted for over 60% of export earnings for both economies. This highlighted the importance that the agricultural sectors of Uruguay and New Zealand had to their respective foreign trade sectors. The success with which both countries’ agricultural sectors solved their financial needs would be influential to their export sectors and overall economies. Through the use of expert interviews, a multiple-case study strategy was employed to carry out a comparative study of the agricultural financing systems of Uruguay and New Zealand. The findings revealed contrasting situations in both countries. Chief among them were the differences encountered in agricultural debt relative to agriculture’s contribution to total GDP in each country. In Uruguay this figure was 26% whereas in New Zealand it amounted to almost 400%. The differences found were largely attributable to the institutional frameworks in place in each country (i.e. the legal and cultural norms that structure political, social and economic interactions), as well as the historical contexts in which the institutions evolved. In Uruguay, the institutional framework limited producers’ possibilities of accessing bank credit due to restrictive central bank regulations. The lack of access to international credit markets by Uruguayan banks due to the country’s unfavourable credit risk rating was an additional factor which limited credit availability. These were largely a result of the financial crisis (and the subsequent recession) that had occurred in the region in 2002. Producers in Uruguay were able to access costlier seasonal capital and some medium-term capital from informal lenders such as cooperatives, processors and input suppliers. Nevertheless, if they required medium and long term credit, Uruguayan farmers needed to deal with the banking system. Furthermore, the high cost of registering mortgages, combined with long-term loan facilities that generally did not go for longer than ten years, resulted in a limited demand for high-volume, long-term credit on producers’ side. Almost the exact opposite situation was found in New Zealand. No great financial turmoil had affected New Zealand since the economic reforms of 1984, in which the economy in general was deregulated. An institutional framework which promoted access to credit, combined with a favourable country credit risk rating which promoted open access to overseas funding for banks, meant that the agricultural sector was able to expand its use of credit uninterruptedly since the early 1990s. Also, in contrast with the Uruguayan case, mortgaging of properties was relatively straightforward and inexpensive, and long term lending could be approved for terms of generally up to 20 years. These factors contributed to the expansion of rural credit in New Zealand. However, New Zealand’s agricultural debt was found to be greatly exposed to one subsector (the dairy farming sector). Moreover, the level of debt of New Zealand’s agricultural sector surpassed its contribution to GDP many times over, which raised doubts concerning the long-term sustainability of that level of debt.

Calif., Univ. of California, Diss.--Berkeley, 2004. / Kopie, ersch. im Verl. UMI, Ann Arbor, Mich. - Enth. 3 Beitr.

O presente trabalho é uma reflexão sobre as origens do federalismo no Brasil do século XIX. A análise tem como escopo evidenciar a trajetória dos maiores protagonistas desse tema, pois somente com o discernimento de suas experiências é que podemos verificar seus estudos e doutrina sobre o federalismo. Assim, o presente trabalho tem como início uma breve explicação sobre o que é federalismo, depois, um estudo da realidade brasileira de 1824, passando a direcionar para o campo de investigação científica sobre Ato Adicional, Lei de Interpretação do Ato Adicional e legislação correlata. Após, um estudo sobre a vida e obra do maior expoente da sua época, em defesa da centralização do poder, o representante da ideologia conservadora, o senhor Paulino José Soares de Sousa, mais conhecido como o Visconde do Uruguai. Ainda, estudamos a vida e a obra de Tavares Bastos e seus estudos contrários a centralização exacerbada do poder, através da proposta liberal sobre o federalismo. Encerramos o trabalho com a análise da vida e obra de João de Azevedo Carneiro Maia, conforme apresentado na monografia de Mario Maia Coutinho “O Pai do Municipalismo”. Por fim, demonstramos os fundamentos federalistas ainda no Brasil Império. / The present work is a reflection on the origins of federalism in Brazil in the 19th century. The analysis is scoped to show the trajectory of the greatest protagonists of this issue, because only the discernment on their experiences is that we can verify their studies and doctrine on federalism. Thus, the present work starts with a brief explanation of what federalism is, then, a study of Brazilian reality in 1824, going to direct into the field of scientific research in the Additional Act, Interpretation law of the Additional Act and related legislation. After a study of the life and work of the greatest exponent of that time, in defense of government centralization, the representative of conservative ideology, Mr. Paulino José Soares de Sousa, better known as the Viscount of Uruguay. Still, we study the life and work of Tavares Bastos and his studies opposed to the exacerbated government centralization, within the liberal proposal on federalism. We finish the study with the analysis of the life and work of João de Azevedo Carneiro Maia, according to Mario Maia Coutinho monography "O Pai do Municipalismo". Finally, we demonstrate the federalist grounds still in Brazil Empire.

A presente tese se propõe a analisar as ações da Legação do Uruguai no Brasil relativas à temática escravista, no período em que Andrés Lamas esteve à frente da referida representação oriental na Corte imperial. A partir da constatação de que nesse largo intervalo entre os anos de 1847 e 1869 - no qual Lamas apenas por breves e raros momentos esteve afastado de suas funções diplomáticas - o tema da escravidão ocupou posição de destaque na pauta bilateral, a investigação explora o conteúdo desses debates. Nessa perspectiva investe na problematização de seus elementos geradores, efeitos e desdobramentos no ambiente interno e externo de ambos os países. A constante tensão entre o sistema escravista brasileiro e a abolição uruguaia legalmente consumada ganha ênfase em um cenário que o Império passa a desenvolver uma política internacional de ativa intervenção no Prata. Desta forma uma política da escravidão imperial, imbricada à cotidiana e costumeira prática de escravização de indivíduos negros livres à margem da lei, se chocou com princípios de soberania e independência do Estado Oriental. Questões essas desenvolvidas no texto através dos enfrentamentos entre o governo imperial brasileiro e a Legação uruguaia no Rio de Janeiro, especialmente a partir das denúncias do plenipotenciário oriental da prática sistemática de escravizações ilegais de seus concidadãos negros – ou de indivíduos que haviam vivido em ‘solo livre’ oriental. Nesse sentido a tese faz um detido estudo de casos particulares representativos e discute suas interconexões com espaços mais amplos de vertente nacional ou internacional. A escravidão aparece como eixo de debates de prerrogativas diplomáticas e consulares, mediadas pelos recorrentes atritos entre a legalidade interna e o ordenamento internacional - à época referenciado pelo Direito das Gentes. / This thesis aims at analyzing the Uruguayan Legation actions in Brazil concerning slavery thematic, while Andrés Lamas was in charge of that Oriental representation in the Imperial Court. Following evidence that in this long interval between 1847 and 1869 – in which only for shorts and rare moments Lamas was out of yours diplomatic functions – the slavery theme was in prominent position of bilateral agenda, the investigation explores the content of those debates. From this perspective investing to problematize their generate elements, effects and developments on the internal and external milieus of both countries. The continuous tension between the Brazilian slavery system and the legally consummate Uruguayan abolition is emphasized as the Empire starts to develop an active international policy of intervention on the Prata. In this way an Imperial slavery policy, imbricated on a daily and customary practice to reduce free black people to slaves regardless of the law, was in opposition to sovereignty and independence’s principals of Oriental State. This kind of questions were developed in the text through the conflicts between the Brazilian imperial government and the Uruguayan Legation in the Rio de Janeiro, especially from Oriental plenipotentiary’s complaints about the systematic practice of illegal enslavement of your fellow citizens – or people that had lived in the Oriental ‘free soil’. In this direction the thesis makes a thorough study of representative particular cases and discuss its interconnections with wider spaces of national or international’s strands. Slavery arises as a central point of discussion regarding diplomatic and consular prerogatives, mediated by recurring frictions between the internal legality and the international order – at that time referenced by the Law of Nations.

As aves de rapina, como predadores de níveis superiores na rede trófica, necessitam de grandes áreas de vida e ocorrem em baixa densidade populacional. São sensíveis a alteração e degradação do habitat, sendo bons indicadores de qualidade de habitat e biodiversidade. Apesar da importância ecológica pouco se conhece sobre a biologia e ecologia da maioria das 91 espécies que ocorrem na América do Sul, o que nos leva ao objetivo mais amplo desta tese: descrever a composição das taxocenoses de aves de rapina dos campos do sul do Brasil e Uruguai e sua relação com as características topográficas e ambientais. Para tanto, foram realizadas amostragens de aves de rapina em 11 áreas campestres entre outono de 2009 e verão de 2011. Um total de 44 transectos rodoviários foi amostrado sazonalmente, duas vezes ao ano, totalizando 176 amostragens. Ao todo foram observadas 18.424 aves de rapina, pertencentes a 33 espécies. Os transectos rodoviários são amplamente utilizados para a amostragem de aves de rapina, no entanto, nossos resultados sugerem que este método pode subestimar a abundância das espécies. Pontos de contagem parecem ser mais eficazes, principalmente para a amostragem de espécies raras. A distribuição das espécies foi associada à altitude e disponibilidade de habitat, e quatro taxocenoses puderam ser identificadas no sudeste da América do Sul. A taxocenose dos campos de altitude (na ecorregião Floresta Úmida com Araucária) se caracterizou pela presença de espécies florestais, ausentes ou pouco abundantes nas demais áreas. Na ecorregião Savana Uruguaia foram distinguidas outras três taxocenoses: 1) campos da planície costeira do sul do Brasil, com espécies associadas às áreas úmidas e ambientes alterados; 2) campos da Serra do Sudeste, uma taxocenose mista com espécies campestres e florestais, porém pouco abundantes e com maior tolerância a habitat alterados; 3) campos da Savana Uruguaia, taxocenose com predominância de espécies campestres e presença pontual de espécies florestais associadas a matas riparias. Foram registradas quatro espécies de necrófagos obrigatórios (Cathartiformes). A organização da taxocenose dos necrófagos aparenta ser mais influenciada pelas características da paisagem que por relações hierárquicas interespecíficas, mas a distribuição atual pode ter sido influenciada pela caça e envenenamento das espécies, ocorrida no século passado. A abundância das aves de rapina variou sazonalmente. A abundância foi significativamente maior no verão que no inverno, mas variou conforme a espécie. Quatro espécies são migratórias (duas migrantes trans-equatorias e duas intratropicais), três são parcialmente migratórias, mas o padrão de migração e as rotas são pouco conhecidos, e três espécies são nômades ou realizam movimentos irruptivos. Os campos do sudeste da América do Sul tem uma alta diversidade de aves de rapina, influenciada pela topografia, disponibilidade de habitat e sazonalidade, características que devem ser consideradas nas políticas de conservação na região. / Raptors, as top predators, have large home ranges and low population densities. They are sensitive to human perturbation and habitat degradation; hence raptors are sentinel species and biodiversity indicators. Despite their ecological importance, the biology and ecology of most of the 91 South American raptors is poorly known. The main objectives of this study were to examine the assemblage composition in grasslands of southern Brazil and Uruguay and to investigate its relation with topography and habitat features. To achieve this, 44 roadside transects were conducted in 11 areas. Each transect was survey four times between autumn/2009 and summer/2011. The 176 transects yielded 18,424 contacts of raptors, belonging to 34 species. Roadside line transect is widely used to survey raptors. However, our results suggest that this method could underestimate the species abundance. Roadside point transect seems to be better, especially to survey rare species. Raptors distribution and assemblage composition were related to altitude and habitat availability, and four assemblages could be identified in southeastern South America. Raptor assemblage at Altitudinal grasslands (in the Araucarian Moist Forest ecoregion) had higher abundances of forest raptors than the other regions. Three assemblages were distinguished in the Uruguayan Savannas ecoregion: 1) south Brazilian coastal plain, with species related wetlands and human modified habitats; 2) Serra do Sudeste grasslands, a mix of forest and grassland raptors assemblage, which showed low abundances and lower sensibility to habitat degradation; 3) Uruguayan Savannas, dominated by grasslands species and few forest species usually found in riparian habitats. Four obligate scavengers (Cathartiformes) were recorded. Landscape features appeared to be more important to the assemblage organization than interspecific hierarchy, but the current distribution and abundance of scavengers could have been driven by species persecution and poisoning in the last century. Raptors abundance changed seasonally. Total abundance was significantly higher during summer than winter, and strategies to deal with seasonality varied between species. Four species are complete migrants (two transequatorial and two intratropical), three are partial migrants, but their routes and migration pattern remain poorly understood; and three species are irruptive or nomadic. The grasslands of southern South America have a high diversity of raptors, influenced by topography, habitat availability and seasonality, features that should be taken into account when divising regional conservation policies.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as mudanças nas políticas de infância impressas pelo Frente Amplio, desde que assumiu o governo nacional do Uruguai, buscando responder a seguinte questão: Quais são as características que regem a arte de governar a infância e a família do Frente Amplio no Uruguai, especialmente nas políticas Cercanías, Uruguai cresce contigo e Fortalecimento das funções parentais? Para tanto, o estudo tem como centralidade as formas de governo do Frente Amplio como partido de esquerda que, por primeira vez na história do Uruguai, tornou-se um ator legítimo para o exercício do poder político e, como tal, tem formulado e implementado políticas públicas. As políticas de infância compõem uma área setorial e interessa observar o que trouxe como novidade esta força política. Com base em autores como Robert Castel e Michel Foucault, além de muitas outras contribuições de autores da América Latina, esta dissertação visa aprofundar conceitos que são referências centrais nas formulação de políticas para crianças, tais como proteção social, direitos da criança, risco, vulnerabilidade, capacidades e funções parentais. Por meio deles busca observar as estratégias governamentais e, portanto, o desenho da sua arte de governar crianças e famílias / La investigación tiene por objetivo analizar las transformaciones en las políticas para la infancia a cargo del Frente Amplio, desde que asumió el gobierno nacional de Uruguay, buscando responder la siguiente pregunta:cuáles son las características que rigen el arte de gobernar la infancia y la familia del Frente Amplio en Uruguay, especialmente en las políticas Cercanías, Uruguay Crece Contigo y Fortalecimiento a las funciones parentales? Por tanto, el estudio tiene como centralidad las formas de gobierno del Frente Amplio como partido de izquierda que, por primera vez en la historia de Uruguay, se convirtió en actor legítimo para el ejercicio del poder político y, como tal. Ha formulado e implementado políticas públicas. Las políticas de infancia componen un área sectorial e interesa observar lo que trajo como novedad esta fuerza política. Con base en autores como Robert Castel y Michel Foucault, además de otras contribuciones de autores de América Latina, esta tesis busca profundizar conceptos que son referencias centrales en la formulación de las políticas de infancia, tales como protección social, derechos de infancia, riesgo, vulnerabilidad, capacidades y funciones parentales. De esa manera, se busca observar las estrategias gubernamentales y, por lo tano, el diseño de su arte de gobernar infancia y familias

Submitted by Alane dos Santos Viana (alane.viana@ucsal.br) on 2016-09-28T14:56:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL MARINEIDE DEZ - 2010 1ok.pdf: 4700400 bytes, checksum: 3d64f63e19e5f0da0ab6441b99e7126c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2016-10-06T17:48:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL MARINEIDE DEZ - 2010 1ok.pdf: 4700400 bytes, checksum: 3d64f63e19e5f0da0ab6441b99e7126c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-06T17:48:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL MARINEIDE DEZ - 2010 1ok.pdf: 4700400 bytes, checksum: 3d64f63e19e5f0da0ab6441b99e7126c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-13 / Este estudo analisa o Arranjo Produtivo Local de Confecção da rua do Uruguai (APL), desenvolvido na cidade de Salvador. O território investigado é a Península de Itapagipe que, historicamente, tem a sua ocupação marcada pelos desequilíbrios econômicos e sociais. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo avaliar se o desenvolvimento econômico do APL está em sintonia com o desenvolvimento social da Península de Itapagipe na perspectiva de sua revitalização. A metodologia utilizada foi a de investigação descritivo-analítica, com aplicação de questionários e a realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas dos empresários e representantes das principais instituições que integram o Arranjo. Os dados coletados das entrevistas e questionários demonstram a fragilidade do programa e a necessidade de fortalecer as relações com os diversos agentes componentes do APL. / This work analyses the local productive arrangement (LPA) for modelling / restructuring of rua do Uruguai, developed in the city of Salvador. The investigated area is Peninsula Itapagipe which has its occupation historically marked by economic and social lack of balance. This paper aims to evaluate whether the economic development of the LPA is connected with the social development of the Peninsula Itapagipe according to its refurbishment perspective. The methodology used was descriptive and analytical research, through questions and semistructured interviews applied to the main entrepreneurs and the representative groups os the institutions that integrate the arrangement. Collected data from these interviews and questionnaires demonstrated the fragility of the program and the need to strengthen the relationship between the various agents included in the LPA.