Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of interpersonal verbal routines such as greetings is a universal phenomenon of human languages. All human speech communities have such formulas, although their character and the incidence of their use may vary enormously from one society to another. For several decades, greetings have been a recurrent object of inquiry for linguists and other human communication. Greetings are part of phatic communion, whereby people create ties of union and avoid silence, which is always alarming and dangerous. Communion among humans will often be marked in speech “phatically”. There is widespread evidence that greetings are an important part of the communicative competence necessary for being a member of any speech community. Greetings regularize patterns among members. Greeting has been often treated as if it was spontaneous emotional reaction to the coming together of people carrying overtly its own social message. Greeting expressions constitute an important part of the polite language. By greeting the speaker, indicates his attitude towards the addressee or starts a conversation with him. Greetings are often patterned expressions, which may vary among different nations. Most greetings perform primarily a phatic communion function; some greetings are used to convey information. Some culture does not operate non-verbal demonstration of respect of difference like bowing, or prostrating and kneeling, it makes up for this by insistence on the proper execution of verbal greetings, for example: Igbo culture does not operate nonverbal, whereas Japanese, Joruba and even Vendas they do practice these non-verbal demonstrations. Cultural performances are influenced by social variables such as the ages, sex and status of the interactants. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van interpersoonlike mondelingse roetines, soos die handeling van groet, is ‘n universiele fenomeen van menslike taal. Alle menslike gemeenskappe het formules, alhoewel hulle karakter en die voorkoms van hulle gebruik, mag verskil van een gemeenskap tot ‘n ander. Vir dekades, was groet ‘n herhaalde onderwerp van ondersoek van taalkenners saam met ander aspekte van persoonlike kommunikasie. Die handeling van groet is ‘n deel van fatiese kommunikasie, waarby mense bande skep, en stilte vermy wat angswekkend kan wees. Kommunikasie tussen mense sal altyd na verwys word as faties in taalverskynsels. Daar is wydverspreide bewyse dat die handeling van groet ‘n belangrike deel van kommunikatiewe kompetensie is, wat noodsaaklik is vir 'n lid van enige gemeenskap geld. Groet reguleer voorbeelde van wedersydse verhoudings tussen groepelede. Groet is dikwels hanteer asof dit ‘n spontane emosionele reaksie by die saamkom van mense is wat hulle eie sosiale boodskap oordra. Die spraakhandeling van groet vorm ‘n belangrike deel van beleefdheidtaal. Deur te groet, bewys die persoon sy houding teenoor die ander persoon of begin om met die persoon 'n gesprek te voer. Die spraakhandeling van groet is dikwels voorbeelde van uitdrukkings wat verskil tussen verskillende taalgroepe. Die meeste groetvorme het ‘n primere fatiese gemeenskaps funksie, sommige begroetings word gebruik om informasie te verskaf. Sommige kulture maak nie gebruik van nie-verbale demonstrasies van respek of verskille soos neerbuiging of kniel, dit maak op vir die aandring op behoorlike gebruik van mondelinge begroeting, byvoorbeeld: Igbo kultuur maak nie gebruik van nie-verbale demonstrasies, waar Vendakultuur gebruik maak van hierdie nie-verbale demonstrasies. Kulturele belewenis van die groetvorm word beVnvloed deur sosiale veranderlikes soos ouderdom, geslag en status.

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) -- University of the North, 1997 / Refer to the document

M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) --University of the North, 1985 / Refer to the document

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015 / Refer to document

Thesis (Ph.D.(African Languages)) -- University of the North, 1988 / Refer to the document

M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (M. A.) --University of Limpopo, 2014 / The research focused on the effects of technology on language, with special reference to Tshivenda. These effects pertain to various aspects such as communication, agriculture, socialization, health, arts, sports, initiation schools, economy, transport, beliefs, food, drinks and utensils. The study further revealed that technology has several positive results such as the creation of new words. The study also indicated the negative effects of technology on language. In this regard it concentrated on the diminishing of Tshivenḓa words which ultimately may in future lead to their extinction. Lastly the study urged all people to accept technology and used in wisely for the benefit of our future generation because it is here to stay.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the use of address form in Tshivenda. Chapter one concentrates on aims of study, data collection and the organisation of study. Chapter two concentrates on various studies which deal with forms of address in different communities. They introduce forms of address as a routine between people who are embedded in the socio-cultural context of society. Chapter three deals with the informal use of forms of address. This includes names, pronouns and kinship terms. Different names deal with Tshivenda names and Non- Tshivenda names, and the way they are used in different context as a form of address. The controversial use of a pronoun as a form of address is also taken into account as well as kinship terms as a form of address in family where forms are applied in informal situation. [Where the place is unstructured and they are applied in the traditional way.] Chapter four investigates the formal use of address in a structured situation, this covers titles, occupations, special address forms and innovations. Titles are used in a more structured situation. They show social rank or official position such as Doctors, Professors etc. Occupational terms are connected with a person's job. These are terms like nurses, teachers etc. The special forms of address are used in certain occasions where the sender uses an unpopular form of address, uses new techniques and they are practised by elite class, who tries to change the status quo. Chapter five gives the main conclusions of the thesis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die gebruik van aanspreekvorme in Tshivenda. Hoofstuk een konsentreer op die doelstellings van die studie, die versameling van data en die organisasie van die studie. Hoofstuk twee konsentreer op verskillende studies wat handel oor aanspreekvorme in verskillende gemeenskappe. Hulle sluit in aanspreekvorme soos gewoonlik gebruik tussen mense wat vas gewortel is in die sosio-kulturele konteks van die gemeenskap. Hoofstuk drie handel oor die gebruik van informele aanspreekvorme. Dit sluit in name, voornaamwoorde en verwantskapsterme. Dit sluit in Venda en nie-Venda name in verskillende kontekste. Die gebruik van 'n voornaamwoord in aanspreekvorme word ook belangrik geag sowel as verwantskapsterme in familie waar vorme gebruik word in informele situasie. Hoofstuk vier ondersoek die formele gebruik van aanspreekvorme in 'n strukturele situasie. Die sluit in titel, beroepe, spesiale vorme en innovasie. Titels word gebruik in In strukturele situasie. Hulle verwys na sosiale posisie of amptelike posisie soos dokters, professors ens. Die spesiale vorme word gebruik in omstandighede waar die sender die ongewone vorm gebruik vir die ontvanger. Innovatiewe vorme gebruik nuwe tegnieke en hulle word beoefen deur die hoer klas, wat probeer om die status quo te verander. Hoofstuk vyf gee die bevindinge van die tesis.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the adjective constructions in Tshiven~a are investigated within a set of criteria in order to characterize the adjectival category and to differentiate it from other categories. An adjective can be defined as a word which modifies a noun that prototypically denotes visible or tangible objects. Different linguists give different accounts which deal with criteria for adjectives where they give attention to prototype and certain multiple criteria. Dixon establishes seven different semantic types under which the adjectives can be grouped, e.g. one of them is dimension. It has been established by Schachter that there are languages that have no adjectives at all, in which the meanings that they express are conveyed by nouns or verbs. In other words what is universal is not adjectives but to modify, or elaborate on the meaning of a noun. Morphological adjectives are marked by a noun class prefix on the adjectival stem. The prefix agrees in class with the noun to which it refers. Morphological adjective can appear attributively and predicatively. When adjectives are used attributively in Tshivenda they usually appear as " complements of a noun. But when they are used predicatively, they occur in copulative constructions. Syntactic evidence relates to the fact that different categories of words have different distributions. Adjective can not be identified by looking at it in isolation, because the form of a word does not necessarily indicate its syntactic function. Descriptive possessives as semantic adjectives describe the noun they refer to in a way that is different to that of possessives. The descriptive part can be shown as the head of the noun and can also be shown as a complement of possessive [-a-] where they indicate location, time, event and gender. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die adjektief konstruksie in Tshivenda ondersoek binne die raamwerk van 'n stel kriteria met die doelom 'n karakterisering te gee van die adjektief kategorie en om dit te onderskei van ander kategorieë. 'n Adjektief kan gedefinieer word as 'n woord wat 'n naamwoord bepaal wat prototipies verwys na konkrete voorwerpe. Linguiste gee verskillende aannames wat handeloor kriteria vir adjektiewe waarin hulle aandag gee aan prototipe en sekere meervoudige kriteria. Dixon het sewe verskillende semantiese tipes bepaal waaronder adjektiewe gegroepeer kan word bv. een daarvan is dimensie. Daar is vasgestel deur Schachter dat daar tale is wat geen adjektiewe het nie waarin die betekenisse wat hulle uitdruk gedra word deur naamwoorde of werkwoorde. Wat dus universeel is, is nie adjektiewe nie maar om die betekenis van 'n woord te modifieer. Morfologiese adjektiewe is gemerk deur 'n naamwoord klasprefiks op die adjektiefstam. Die prefiks kom ooreen in klas met die naamwoord waarna dit verwys. Morfologiese adjektiewe kan attributief en predikatief voorkom. Wanneer adjektiewe attributief gebruik word, verskyn hulle as komplement van die naamwoord. Maar wanneer hulle predikatief gebruik word kom hulle voor in kopulatief konstruksies. In sintaksis kan verskillende kategorieë van woorde verskillende distribusies hê. Adjektiewe kan nie geïdentifiseer word deur na dit te kyk in isolasie want die vorm van In woord dui nie noodwendig sy sintaktiese funksie aan. Deskriptiewe possessiewe as semantiese adjektiewe beskryf die naamwoord waarna hulle verwys op 'n wyse wat verskillend is van dié van possessiewe. Die deskriptiewe deel kan aangetoon word as die kern van die naamwoord groep en kan ook aangetoon word as In komplement van die possessiewe [-a-] waar hulle plek, tyd, gebeurtenis en geslag aandui.