This thesis examines aspects of the work of American writer and social critic, Lewis Mumford, and the domestic buildings of architect William Wurster. It reveals parallels in their careers, particularly evident in an Arts and Crafts influence and the regional emphasis both men combined with an otherwise overtly Modernist outlook. Several chapters are devoted to the background of, and influences on, Mumford???s regionalism and Wurster???s architecture. Mumford, a spiritual descendent of John Ruskin, admired Wurster???s work for its reflection of his own regionalist ideas, which are traced to Arts and Crafts figures Patrick Geddes, William Morris, William Lethaby and Ruskin. These figures are important to this study, firstly because the influence of their philosophical perspective allowed Mumford, almost uniquely, to position himself as a spokesman for both Romanticism and Modernism with equal validity, and secondly because of their influence upon early Californian architects such as Bernard Maybeck, and subsequently upon Wurster and his colleagues. Throughout the thesis, an important architectural distinction is highlighted between regional Modernism and the International Style. This distinction polarised the American architectural community after Mumford published an article in 1947 suggesting that the ???Bay Region Style??? represented a regionally appropriate alternative to the abstract formulas of International Style architecture and nominated Wurster as its most significant representative. Wurster???s regional Modernism was distinct from the bulk of American Modernism because of its regional influences and its indebtedness to vernacular forms, apparent in buildings such as his Gregory Farmhouse. In 1948, Henry-Russel Hitchcock organised a symposium at New York???s Museum of Modern Art to refute Mumford???s article. Its participants acrimoniously rejected a regionalist alternative to the International Style, and architectural historians have suggested that authentic regional development in the Bay Region largely ceased because of such adverse theoretical and academic scrutiny. After examining the influences on Mumford and Wurster, the thesis concludes that twentieth century regional architectural development in the San Francisco Bay Region has influenced subsequent Western domestic architecture. Wurster suggested that architects should employ the regional and vernacular rather than emulate historical styles or follow theoretical models in their buildings and Mumford, upon whose work Critical Regionalism was later founded, is central to any understanding of the importance of the vernacular, regional and historical in modern architecture.

What Calvin Coolidge saw in the early Progressive movement was a lack of faith. In American institutions, in the founding principles thereof, and in Man writ large, Calvin Coolidge had a faith that his contemporaries deemed antiquated. The advancement of scientific knowledge promised to discover "a new principle for a new age," as Woodrow Wilson—a founding father of Progressive America—posited.1 Since science offered men the ability to "reconstruct their conceptions of the universe and of their relation to nature, and even of their relation to God," the founders' view of human nature as unchanging and eternal only restricted progress by applying Newtonian strictures on a Darwinian society.2 For an organic society to evolve in America, political leaders needed to interpret the founding documents in the circumstance of modern times, not in their own context. A Hegelian faith in the rational, positive evolution of the human condition through history combined with a reverence for German administrative excellence compelled Wilson to employ rhetoric as a means to gain political support—often citing the beloved Abraham Lincoln as his political and philosophical antecedent. Coolidge noted the great power that Lincoln’s name held among Americans at the time: "Two generations have sought out whatever could be associated with him, have read the record of his every word with the greatest eagerness, and held his memory as a precious heritage."3 Wilson sought to deny the political philosophy of the founding—which Lincoln understood as grounded in natural rights and strict constitutionalism—severing current affairs from the influence of the past and freeing himself and future leaders to act as circumstance demanded.4 Ironically, freedom from the founding ideals made the Progressives slaves of expediency. Coolidge understood Wilson’s denial of founding principles to be dangerous and actively sought to restore faith in self-government as a principle and way of life. 1 Wilson, Selected Papers, 1:235. 2 Ibid, 222. 3 Coolidge, The Price of Freedom, 120. 4 Harry V. Jaffa of Claremont McKenna College offers a deep and comprehensive exposition of Lincoln’s words and actions surrounding the issue of slavery in “A New Birth of Freedom.” Jaffa shows that Lincoln had a pseudo-religious belief in the doctrines and theories presented in both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and saw slavery as violating not only the morality of the owner but the natural rights of the slave.

Middle-Late Ordovician Mt. Wilson Quartzite, southern British Columbia, Canada, is a supermature quartz arenite deposited in shallow marine-marginal marine environments on the Early Paleozoic western Laurentian passive margin. Facies-stacking patterns indicate the Mt. Wilson Quartzite is an unconformity bounded, 2nd-order depositional sequence, containing two 3rd-order sequences, and numerous parasequences. Detrital zircon age spectra of six samples of the Mt. Wilson Quartzite have numerous peaks that are unique to Middle to Late Ordovician quartz arenites of western Laurentia. The main peaks, 1800-2000 Ma, 2000-2200 Ma, and 2300-2400 Ma are interpreted to have been derived from basement rocks that were exposed east of the study area: Trans-Hudson Orogeny (1800-2000 Ma), Taltson Orogen (1800-2000 Ma), Buffalo Head Terrane (2000-2400 Ma), Paleoproterozoic crust (2000-2400 Ma), and the Wopmay Terrane (2000-2400 Ma). It is likely that these areas were sourced by local rivers and tributaries draining the Transcontinental Arch and delivered sediment to the deposition location of the Mt. Wilson Quartzite. While longshore transport was a viable distribution method for sediment along the passive margin, it is unlikely that the Peace River Arch (located northwest of the Mt. Wilson Quartzite) was its sole point source; rather it is more likely that there were multiple sediment sources for these western Laurentian quartz arenites. Temporal changes in provenance indicate different areas of basement rock were exposed throughout the deposition of the Mt. Wilson Quartzite, most likely reflecting long-term flooding of North America. The potential for spatial changes in provenance remains unsolved.

Alexis de Tocqueville is widely hailed as one of the most insightful students of democracy and as one of the most perceptive observers of America. While this high praise is fully deserved, Tocqueville was more than simply the author of Democracy in America. Indeed, he completed the journey that inspired his seminal work before he was out of his twenties. The remainder of his life was devoted to the practice of politics. Both as an involved citizen and as a member of the Chamber of Deputies, Tocqueville researched and wrote extensively on French foreign policy. His most notable works are several reports endorsing French colonial projects in Algeria and articles advocating for the emancipation of slavery in the French Caribbean colonies. In this essay I argue that one cannot truly understand Tocqueville the student without analyzing Tocqueville the politician. Approaching his career as a consistent whole, rather than two distinct and incongruous parts, opens new avenues of investigation into his works. First, his incisive examination and critique of the distinct mildness engendered by equality of conditions in America helps fill several theoretical gaps in the democratic peace research program. Second, his arguments in support of both French imperial enterprises as well as the emancipation of slaves reveals that his diplomatic career was animated above all by the desire to forestall the further proliferation of this democratic mildness, which he viewed as one of democracy’s most dangerous vices. Examining his foreign policy positions in light of the lessons he learned in writing Democracy in America is the only way to discover the consistent goal of his life—namely, to educate and guide the future generations of democracy—and thus to understand Tocqueville as he understood himself. / text

Once a struggling regional university publisher on the brink of demise, UBC Press is now one of North America’s most venerable university presses and has played a key role in disseminating leading social sciences research. After nearly 40 years in the publishing industry, UBC Press’s retired Associate Director, Editorial, Jean Wilson reflects on her 20-year career at the Press and the critical importance of scholarly publishing to the academic community.

No abstract available. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.

A. N. Wilson is a distinguished contemporary English author and journalist whose writing constantly displays the depth of his understanding of and concern for the Church of England. Himself once a devout Anglican, albeit one of the Church's more vocal watchdogs, Wilson now writes as an outsider and an unbeliever. Yet he is still widely read and highly regarded as a commentator on the institution, and as one who is never reluctant to confront the ills which he believes responsible for its demise. / Wilson takes the church hierarchy to task for neglecting spiritual matters in favour of "issues". He employs satire to illustrate what he believes to be the general mediocrity of the clergy. In his journalism Wilson continues to lambast liturgical changes and to question modern biblical criticism. / By using representative selections from Wilson's writings as novelist, biographer, polemicist and journalist, and by chronicling his own highly publicised religious quest, this study seeks to show the dilemma of a substantial body of contemporary English Anglicans. Furthermore, the inability and impotence of the Established Church in England to meet the needs of its traditional and more moderate worshippers is adequately reflected in Wilson's work.

Oppgaven utforsker outsiderposisjonen i Axel Jensens bøker Ikaros (1957) og Joacim (1961). Problemformuleringen legger særlig vekt på protagonistenes motivasjon for å søke outsiderposisjonen, samt stiller spørsmålet om det i det hele tatt lar seg gjører å flykte fra samfunnet og i hvilken grad outsiderposisjonen oppnås. Analysene er foretatt på bakgrunn av Colin Wilsons teoriverk om outsiderens karakter, The Outsider (1956). Wilson bruker eksempler fra tidligere outsiderlitteratur til å skissere opp en typologi av outsidere og belyse ulike sider ved det han kaller «outsiderens problem». Dette «problemet» er grunnet i outsiderens identitet og gir seg utslag i hans mentalitet og syn på tilværelsen. Ulikheten i protagonistenes motiver for å snu ryggen til samfunn og sivilisasjon har gjort at outsiderposisjonen fortoner seg ulikt i Ikaros og Joacim, noe som også har gjort at analysene består av nærlesning av ulike aspekter ved outsidertematikken. I tillegg til Wilsons teori består av en kontekstualiserende del som kommenterer hvordan Jensens outsidere kan leses i lys av andre samtidige litterære outsidere, og hvordan tidsperioden bøkene er skrevet i påvirker lesningen av outsidertematikken. Resepsjonskapittelet tar for seg forskjellene i kvalitetsvurderingene av bøkene, og vektlegger hvordan anmelderne reagerte på outsidertematikken. I avslutningskapittelet samles trådene og det reflekteres rundt outsiderposisjonen i Ikaros og Joacim, særlig med hensyn til hvordan, og i hvilken grad outsiderens problemer løser seg, sett i lys av Wilsons teorier.

There is no abstract available for this thesis.

The purpose of this study is to show the interrelationships between the pre-war conditions in partitioned Poland, the reasons for Polish immigration to the United States, and the effect of the First World War on the Poles in Europe and America. The organization of relief programs in the United States resulted in a deep concern for the plight of the Poles and was a major factor in the reopening and awareness of the Polish Question which had been dormant for more than a century. The study also places emphasis on the part played by the New York Times, whose news releases extensively covered the areas of Polish relief and self-determination.The dissertation is composed of a preface, introduction, seven chapters, and a conclusion. The introduction sets the basis for the reopening of the Polish Question by delving into Polish nationalism, the partition years, and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914. Chapter One is devoted to the early Years of Woodrow Wilson, one of the chief actors in the final self-determination for Poland. The character and personality analysis is carried through in Chapter Two as Wilson is considered as Governor and President. In Chapter Three the pre-Great War Polish emigration is considered. Background to the Polish Question is set by presenting life in Russian, Austrian, and German Poland and the strivings of Marx, Engels and the Polish Socialists for Polish independence.Chapter Four traces Polish immigration to the United States from the early settlements in Texas to the great immigration years just before the Great War. The study traces the formation and organization of Polish-American groups which formed a so-called "Fourth Part of Poland," but, with the exception of independence-minded Polish Socialists in America, worked primarily for the bettering of the Polish lot in the United States. Chapter Five presents the devastation which befell the Poles as their land became the battleground in Eastern Europe. The Poles in America cooperated in trying to ease the suffering of their European brethren. The story of Polish relief is traced through the New York Times, State Department documents, and the indefatigable labors of Ignace Jan Paderewski, famous Polish pianist and composer, who arrived in the United States in 1915 to spur on relief for Poland. The diplomatic manuevering is presented to show that the Poles were caught in the middle of the BritishGerman views on war relief and as a consequence received no adequate aid until after the November, 1918, Armistice. Throughout this story of Polish relief President Wilson stands out as a humanitarian and champion of Polish relief.Chapter Six probes into the relationship among Paderewski, Colonel House and Wilson. This relationship proved to be a vital factor in Wilson's support of selfdetermination and independence when the time was ripe in 1918. The chapter also considers the role played by the Polish voters in the 1916 election. The study casts doubt upon the crucial part which is credited to the Polish vote in the Wilson victory.The simultaneous events which occurred in Europe and America are covered in Chapter Seven. In Europe the Russians, Austro-Hungarians and Germans had already accepted the concept of Polish autonomy. The manpower needs of the European combatants forced them to a change of attitude. With recognition by the Russian Provisional Government in March, 1917, the Allies recognized the Polish National Committee in Paris and the Polish army. The United States followed in this respect. With Polish-American solidarity pressuring for Polish independence, complemented by an Allied policy to dissolve the Austro-Hungarian Empire, independence for Poland was assured. / Department of History