Com o objetivo de analisar as demandas por um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), este trabalho analisa os movimentos que permitiram algumas \"desestruturações\" da \"ordem internacional\" e permitiram a identificação de dois modos de produção no sistema internacional: o interestatal e o cosmopolita. A promoção da autonomia do espaço cosmopolita influiu significativamente na estrutura dos tradicionais fóruns interestatais como é o caso da OMC. Através da análise das estruturas do sistema multilateral de comércio, indica-se aquelas que favoreceram as demandas das instituições não-estatais, com diversas racionalidades e formas de ação perante a OMC, e as influências dessas instituições nas formas de regulamentação dessa organização. Nossa preocupação é identificar no pluralismo de instituições a consolidação de um multilateralismo complexo, resultado de uma transformação na forma de governança da economia e dos movimentos sociais globais. Tais relações promovem a repolitização do sistema multilateral de comércio e apontam para o desafio da inserção da OMC num sistema de governança global. Uma segunda parte do trabalho analisa a recepção de um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na OMC pelo Estado e pela sociedade brasileiros. / The objective of this work is to analyse claims for a new social and legal structure in the World Trade Organization (WTO). For this purpose it investigates the movements which promoted the \"dismantling\" of the \"international order\" and encouraged the recognition of the existence of two different modes of production within the international system: on the one hand a system between states; and a cosmopolitan one on the other hand. The autonomy of the cosmopolitan space has changed the structure of the traditional fora, of which the WTO is part. A critical analysis of the multilateral trade system structures allows us to identify those structures that have allowed the claims of non state institutions to be expressed on the scale they did, albeit with varying levels of rationality and methods. It also shows the influences such institutions exercise on the WTO system of regulation. The aim is to identify how this plurality of institutions endorses a complex multilateralism, which is a result of the changes in the governance of both economic and global social movements. Such developments instigate the re-politization of the multilateral trade system and present a challenge for the inclusion of the WTO in a system of global governance. The second part of the work is focused on the responses of the Brazilian government and society to these new developments in the WTO structure.

A presente tese possui como tema o estudo da inserção internacional de países intermediários no Sistema Multilateral de Comércio (SMC). Devido à existência de variadas maneiras de categorizar os países que compõem o estrato intermediário do Sistema Internacional (SI), entendeu-se como apropriado o foco no protagonismo internacional das Potências Médias para essa categorização. Dentro deste contexto, a instituição do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) além de unir uma gama diversificada de países, também representou a criação de um local propício para a atuação de países de segunda ordem em uma conjuntura política e econômica internacional carente de nichos de oportunidades para protagonismos que não de potências hegemônicas. Ademais, observou-se que a partir de dado momento histórico, determinados países em desenvolvimento de reconhecido protagonismo, cristalizaram em suas atuações comportamentos que passaram a ser rotulados como sendo de Potência Média. Desta forma, considerando este cenário e aceitando o travamento da Rodada de Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) como um momento decisivo para a afirmação do papel de determinados países na estruturação do atual SMC, elaborou-se o seguinte problema de pesquisa: Existem elementos teóricos e empíricos que corroboram o resgate e (re)definição do conceito de Potência Média no mundo contemporâneo? A busca por esta resposta suscitou outra questão derivada dela: É possível afirmar que atualmente se observam determinados países praticando protagonismos que podem ser considerados como sendo de Potência Média? Para responder estas questões, realizou-se: (a) uma revisão bibliográfica sobre os esforços da literatura para a categorização de países intermediários no SI; (b) a construção de um modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média; (c) uma análise da evolução histórica, e das dinâmicas econômicas e políticas que foram determinantes para a condução e moldagem do SMC; e (d) a aplicação dos parâmetros para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média através do modelo proposto na presente tese. Os resultados encontrados sugerem que Argentina e Brasil foram os países que melhor atenderam os requisitos exigidos pelo modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média. A utilização de critérios menos restritos dentro do modelo proposto possibilita o enquadramento de Chile, Índia, Indonésia e Colômbia, ao lado de Brasil e Argentina, no grupo das Potências Médias. / This thesis has as its theme the study of the international insertion of intermediate countries in the Multilateral Trading System (MTS). Due to the fact that there are different ways to categorize the countries that make up the intermediate stratum of the International System (IS), it was understood as appropriate for this categorization to focus on the international behavior of Middle Powers. Within this context, the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) promoted, in addition to the union of a diverse range of countries, the creation of an auspicious place for the performance of second-tier countries in a political context lacking niches of opportunities for protagonists that are not hegemonic powers. Moreover, it was observed that from a given historical moment, certain developing countries with a widely recognized international role, crystallized in their performances behaviors which are now labeled as those of Middle Powers. Thus, considering this scenario and accepting the locking of the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a turning point for the affirmation of the role of certain countries in structuring the current MTS, the following research problem was elaborated: Are there theoretical and empirical elements that support the rescue and (re)definition of the Middle Power concept in the modern world? The search for this answer raised another question derived from it: Can it be said that currently certain countries are practicing protagonisms that can be considered to be of a Middle Power? To answer these questions, we took the following steps: (a) a review of the literature efforts for the categorization of intermediate countries in the IS; (b) the construction of a model for the classification of countries within the concept of Middle Power; (c) an analysis of the historical evolution and the economic and political dynamics that were crucial to driving and shaping the MTS; and (d) the application of the criteria for classification of countries into the concept of Middle Power through the model proposed in this thesis. The results suggest that Argentina and Brazil were the countries that better fit the requirements of the model for classification of countries in the concept of Middle Power. The use of less restrictive criteria within the proposed model enables the framing of Chile, Índia, Indonesia and Colombia, along with Brazil and Argentina, in the group of Middle Powers.

Context. Public procurement is an important factor in procurement of products and services by government organizations. It also helps in protection of corruption by applying the principles of non-discrimination and transparency for procurement of Software products and services along with their distribution and maintenance. As India has its own procurement laws and policies, international bidders who wish to participate in procurement cannot take part in the procurement. Also there is a need to verify how the pragmatic requirements can be used in India to maintain non-discrimination. Due to this it has become a challenge to maintain fairness and transparency in its rules and policies. Objectives. This study mainly investigates the differences between procurement process in India and Sweden. The study also identifies the changes that India should adopt in order to be a member of WTO. Methods. In order to conduct this study, a literature review is used to find the public procurement processes in India and Sweden. This is followed by a case study by conducting interviews with industrial practitioners and to validate the above said process with artifact analysis. Results. The contributions are the differences in procurement process of India when compared to Sweden, which is a member of WTO GPA. Recommendations are made to make India to comply with WTO GPA. Conclusions. The study helped in understanding the procurement process in India and Sweden. From the study it is clear that some rules and regulations in India that are used for procurement process lack transparency and non-discrimination. To avoid this India should make a fair procurement policy which is in compliance with WTO GPA. This makes the global suppliers to participate in the software procurements of India. As a result companies can procure new technologies for their software needs.

Bien que la littérature théorique et empirique étudiant les effets de l’OMC et d’une libéralisation commerciale sur les performances économiques des pays et sur le bien-être soit riche, il existe une absence de consensus quant aux liens commerce-croissance-pauvreté. Les liens ne sont ni simples, ni automatiques et requièrent d’être traités avec précaution, tout en prenant en compte les spécificités nationales et le contexte particulier de chaque pays. D’où l’attention particulière apportée à l’économie libanaise, une économie en reconstruction, caractérisée entre autres par un déficit commercial chronique et engagée depuis 1999 dans le deuxième plus long processus d’adhésion à l’OMC, qui semble loin d’être achevé. Pour examiner les impacts potentiels de l’adhésion du pays à l’OMC sur les grandeurs macroéconomiques, un modèle d’équilibre général calculable dynamique est employé, et différents scénarios sont simulés. L’analyse en équilibre général est combinée avec une analyse de micro-simulation comptable, évaluant les impacts micro-économiques sur les différentes catégories des ménages. Les résultats suggèrent que l’adhésion du pays à l’OMC entraînerait une évolution plus favorable des grandeurs macro-économiques par rapport au scénario de base (surtout lorsqu’un mécanisme d’augmentation de la productivité totale des facteurs entre en jeu). Une adhésion permettrait également une baisse de la pauvreté et des inégalités, en améliorant la situation des travailleurs non qualifiés. / Although the theoretical and empirical literature studying the effects of the WTO and trade liberalization on the economic performance of countries and the well-being is rich, it remains that there is a lack of consensus on the links trade-growth-poverty. The links are neither simple nor automatic and require to be treated with caution, and to take into account national specificities and the particular context of each country. Hence the special attention given to the Lebanese economy, characterized among others by a chronic trade deficit, and by the second longest WTO accession process, which dates from 1999 and seems far from over. To examine the impacts of Lebanon’s accession to the WTO on macroeconomic variables, a dynamic CGE model is used, and different scenarios are simulated. Using a sequential approach, the general equilibrium analysis is combined with a microsimulation analysis, evaluating the micro-economic impacts on different categories of households, poverty and inequality. The results suggest that the country's accession to the WTO leads to a more favorable economic performances compared to the baseline scenario (especially when the mechanism of the increase in total factor productivity is put into play). It also allows a reduction in poverty and inequality, by improving the situation of unskilled workers.

This thesis, entitled WTO Dispute Settlement Mechanism focuses on the issue of direct effect of WTO law with respect to the possibility of private persons to claim damages in case they are affected by the retaliatory measures adopted by the injured WTO-member in response to the violation of WTO rules perpetrated by their government. In connection with the aforesaid, the thesis compares the approach of the United States of America with the one of the European Union. Given the fact that the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice regarding the issue of direct effect of WTO law has undergone substantial development, the thesis also analyses the jurisprudence and its outcomes. This thesis is divided into two parts. The first one introduces the dispute settlement procedure before the Dispute settlement body under the Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes. The thesis focuses on particular stages of the procedure before the DSB and introduces the particular actors of the dispute settlement mechanism. The first part consists of three chapters, first of which deals with particular actors, second defining particular stages of the procedure and third focusing on the stage of implementation of DSB decisions. The second part that is also divided into three chapters...

[pt] Esta dissertação analisa a participação brasileira no G-20, uma coalizão de países em desenvolvimento (PEDs) criada pelo Brasil e a Índia durante a reunião Ministerial da Organização Mundial de Comércio (OMC), em Cancún, no México, em 2003. A coalizão tinha o objetivo de avançar a agenda de liberalização agrícola na Rodada Doha. Na época, analistas de política comercial se mostraram céticos sobre as chances de sobrevivência da coalizão, devido ao fato de que esta reunia países com interesses comerciais divergentes em agricultura. A despeito disto, o G-20 se estabeleceu como membro sine qua non das negociações e modificou o processo decisório da OMC, com a inclusão do Brasil e da Índia ao núcleo duro das negociações ao lado dos Estados Unidos e da União Européia. Porém, semelhante aumento de influência não se traduziu em uma conclusão da Rodada Doha, o que seria de sumo interesse para o Brasil. Argumento que esta dificuldade está relacionada ao fato de o G-20 ser uma coalizão com baixa coerência interna, cujas características estruturais constrangem as possíveis estratégias negociadoras ao alcance da coalizão, dificultando assim a adoção de uma estratégia distributiva que aumente as chances de que a negociação seja concluída com sucesso. O Brasil desempenhou um papel importante nessa coalizão pagando os custos da ação coletiva para garantir a coesão desta, mesmo quando isto significou abrir mão dos seus interesses comerciais. Contudo, a análise mostra que esta atitude teve limites, como ficou aparente durante a reunião da OMC realizada em Genebra em julho de 2008, quando o Brasil decidiu defender os seus próprios interesses em detrimento da cooperação com os membros do G-20. / [en] This dissertation analyzes the Brazilian participation in the G-20, a coalition of developing countries created by Brazil and India during the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference held in Cancún, Mexico, in 2003. The goal of the coalition was advancing an agenda of agricultural liberalization in the Doha Round. At the time, trade policy experts were skeptical as to the chances of survival of the coalition, due to the fact that it brought together countries with divergent commercial interests in agriculture. In spite of this, the G-20 established itself as a sine qua non member of the negotiations and changed the decisionmaking process of the WTO, with the inclusion of Brazil and India in the core of the negotiations together with the United States and the European Union. However, this increase in influence has not translated into a conclusion of the Doha Round, of extreme interest for Brazil. We argue that this difficulty is related to the fact that the G-20 is a coalition with low internal coherence and that its structural characteristics constrain its negotiating strategies, making it difficult for the coalition to adopt a distributive strategy that increases the probability that the negotiation is concluded successfully. Brazil played an important role paying the collective action costs in order to maintain the cohesion of the coalition, even when this meant going against its own commercial interests. However, this attitude had its limits, as was made apparent during the WTO meeting in Geneva, in July 2008, when Brazil decided to defend its own interests in detriment of cooperating with the members of the G-20.

In the last decade, World Trade Organization (WTO) Members have paid little attention to the WTO rulemaking processes and their functioning. Two high-levels commissions, as well as some scholars, have identified several areas of concerns with respect to the WTO rulemaking processes. Some of them have put forth proposals for their reform. However, the WTO has not proceeded with or even reflected upon any major reforms affecting the functioning of its rulemaking processes. The lack of attention by the Members regarding these issues motivated the focus of this thesis on the legitimacy of the WTO rulemaking processes. The principal research question of this thesis is: Are the WTO rulemaking processes legitimate? To what degree? Answering this first research question necessarily leads to a secondary one: How can the WTO rulemaking processes be assessed? This thesis recognizes that there is no uniform way for assessing legitimacy both at the national and international levels. It borrows from David Beetham's legitimacy conception and assesses the legitimacy of the WTO rulemaking processes from the standpoint of WTO Members. It builds a theoretical framework for assessing the legitimacy of the rulemaking processes on the basis of Members' conception of the WTO and the concepts of input and output legitimacy that have been frequently applied to the WTO and from which are derived four legitimacy criteria: legality, effectiveness, representativeness and openness. This thesis furthermore advances that legitimacy can only be effectively assessed as a matter of degree and, therefore, develops a multidimensional interval scale to allow a precise measurement of the four criteria of legitimacy as applied to the WTO rulemaking processes. In order to assess the rulemaking processes, it uses three cases that have led to the adoption of new rules or agreements. In fact, legitimacy matters even more for the processes that led to actual rules due to the fact that they generate binding outcomes. Such a methodology based on case studies arguably provides a more accurate representation of the WTO rulemaking processes than the general processes that have been described in the secondary literature.

Underdevelopment of developing countries is in present one of the thorniest problems of the world. Economic globalisation brings about increasingly deeper integration of world markets and increasing volumes of international trade. Multilateral trading system represented by the World Trade Organization (WTO) is one of the instruments that can, under certain circumstances, strongly contribute to economic progress of developing countries. The goal of the thesis is to reveal such circumstances and describe their coherence with the WTO and its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Firstly, the thesis focuses on theoretical basis of international trade as an instrument of economic development. The thesis also describes possible imperfections of the theory specifically with regard to developing countries. Secondly, the role of the WTO in the process of liberalisation of international trade and its activities leading to reduction or elimination of the imperfections are described. The thesis shows that, on the known theoretical basis, it is possible for developing countries to gain from liberalisation of international trade on the multilateral basis. The thesis, however, also indicates that it is possible to achieve certain improvements in the existing system to the benefit of the developing countries and leading to their greater and more equitable involvement in the international division of labour.

The thesis deals with the current round of WTO negotiations. The aim of thesis is to identify the most important milestones of Doha Round development. Particular chapters are devoted to identified milestones, which are the most important ministerial conferences. The thesis describes the process and the outcomes of these conferences and the potential impact of outputs on international trade.

Following the trends of the Globalization, the principles of Nondiscrimination, Transparency and Rule of Law, are all becoming the core principles of globalized norms of economic regulation, which have always known to be associated with GATT and the World Trade Organization (WTO). Following the accession of the People's Republic of China to the WTO, it is well understood that the requirements for the conformity of laws and regulations inside and outside of China to WTO are high, especially in terms of the conformity of China's regulatory system of economic regulations to WTO's Principles of national treatment, transparency, and rule of law. This paper will examine the conformity of WTO's Principles of National Treatment, Transparency, and Rule of Law with China's regulatory system of economic regulation, especially with a focus on the compliance of globalized norms of economic regulation with China's local norms and local values, and the legal and political culture. At the same time, this paper aims to discover the institutional approaches that protect and facilitate judicial independence. Attention is also paid to the influences of the institutions system on impartiality and accountability of judicial practice through facilitating judicial independence. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate