Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 2000. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Orientador: Alvaro Gabriel Bianchi Mendez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T23:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_LucianaAparecidaAliagaAzarade_D.pdf: 1107081 bytes, checksum: 371676bfa0430d5014170c416983c83d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Embora o fenômeno das minorias dirigentes tenha sido tratado por diferentes autores, foi na Itália em finais do séc. XIX, por meio de Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) e Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), que encontrou sistematização suficiente para alcançar status de teoria política. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), nos Quaderni del Carcere estabelece importante diálogo com a teoria das elites, externando confluências e distanciamentos. Em comum com os autores elitistas possui a tradição maquiaveliana dos estudos políticos, isto é, o realismo maquiaveliano, que é responsável por algumas extraordinárias continuidades temáticas e afinidades nas formulações gerais de conceitos políticos entre estes autores. Contudo, existe uma discussão subjacente à teoria das elites, que, apesar de ser menos aparente, nem por isso é menos importante - o debate acerca da possibilidade de formulação de uma ciência das realidades políticas. Por meio deste debate o realismo maquiaveliano adquire diferentes feições. Pareto reivindica uma ciência livre de ideais fictícios, calcada na observação empírica e histórica, o que o leva a compreender a divisão entre governantes e governados como uma realidade imutável, correspondente às divisões do gênero humano. Gramsci, por outro lado, propõe a formulação de uma ciência da política capaz de apreender as ocorrências históricas em sua complexidade compreendendo a "realidade" como fenômeno/aparência dos processos gerados no interior do movimento dialético entre estrutura e superestrutura. Isto o leva a entender o problema das elites por um viés histórico-político. Com isto, Gramsci contribui para um enriquecimento do realismo maquiaveliano. Desta discussão acerca da possibilidade e natureza da ciência política, importantes questões de ordem metodológica e política são trazidas a lume e são importantes, cremos, não apenas para os debates da ciência política da primeira metade do século XX, mas também suscitam problemas contemporâneos e embates no interior da ciência política que permanecem como questões fundamentais para o aperfeiçoamento dos instrumentos teórico-metodológicos da disciplina / Abstract: Although the phenomenon of minority officers has been treated by different authors, was in Italy at the end of the century. XIX, by Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) and Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), who found systematic enough to achieve status of political theory. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), in Quaderni del Carcere establishes important dialogue with the theory of elites, expressing confluences and differences. In common with the authors has the elitist tradition of Machiavellian political studies, ie, the Machiavellian realism, which is responsible for some remarkable continuities and thematic affinities in the formulations of general political concepts between these authors. However, there is a discussion of the theory underlying the elites, who, though less apparent, so it is not less important - debate about the possibility of formulating a science of political realities. Through this debate Machiavellian realism acquires different features. Pareto claims science fictional ideals of freedom, based on empirical observation and history, which leads him to understand the division between rulers and ruled as an immutable reality, corresponding to the divisions of mankind. Gramsci, on the other hand, proposes the development of a science of politics can grasp the historical occurrences in their complexity comprising the "reality" as a phenomenon/appearance of the processes generated within the dialectical movement between structure and superstructure. This leads him to understand the problem of elites by a historical-political bias. With this, Gramsci contributes to an enrichment of Machiavellian realism. This discussion about the possibility and nature of political science, important methodological issues and policy are brought to light and are important, we believe, not only for discussions of political science in the first half of the twentieth century, but also raise contemporary issues and conflicts within science policy issues that remain fundamental to improving the theoretical and methodological tools of the discipline / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

<p>Migrationsverket har kritiserats hårt för att inte ha tillräcklig kunskap i homo-, bi- och transsexualitetsfrågor, eftersom människor nekats uppehållstillstånd trots att de uppfyllt kriterierna. Samkönade par har inte behandlats som par i ansökningsprocessen. Människor med "fel" sexualitet har fram till 2005 inte beviljats asyl med sin sexuella läggning som skäl, eftersom det inte klassats som tillräcklig förföljelsegrund för flyktingstatus. Praktiker som dessa har kritiserats för att utgå från en heteronormativ diskurs som är diskriminerande.</p><p>Queerfeministisk teori kritiserar samhälleliga normer som påverkar hur människor behandlas. Med hjälp av en queerfeministisk teori urskiljs och analyseras heteronormativa diskurser i svensk migrationspolicy. Policyn får här representeras av fem statliga utredningar vilka behandlar flyktingskap och anhöriginvandring.</p><p>Vad som framträtt genom analysen är att det finns tendenser till både heteronormativa och patriarkala strukturer inom migrationspolicyn. Idag finns emellertid en större förståelse för könsrollsfrågor och det finns en vilja och strävan efter att använda ett köns- och sexualitetsneutralt språk. Begreppet partnerskap förekommer allt mer frekvent vilket tolkas som att partnerskapet som institution införlivats i den allmänna samhällsnormen om tvåsamhet. Däremot är det endast den homosexuella mannen som synliggörs. Kvinnors sexualitet i allmänhet och homosexuella kvinnors sexualitet i synnerhet, osynliggörs i diskurserna.</p> / <p> </p><p>The Swedish migration authority has been criticized for not having enough knowledge on issues concerning gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex people since visas has been declined even if the person fulfil the conditions. Couples of the same sex have not been processed as a couple. People with the "wrong" sexual orientation have had their asylums applications declined if sexual identity was the reason for persecution until 2005, when sexuality was accepted as reason for refugee status. These types of actions have been criticized for discrimination caused by heteronormative discourses.</p><p>Queer feministic theory is sceptical to societal norms and their influence on how people are being treated. Heteronormative discourses in Swedish migration policy will be visible and analysed with the queer feministic theory. The policy will be represented by five public investigations dealing with refugees and family reunification.</p><p>The results from the analysis show tendencies to both heteronormative and patriarchal structures in the migration policy. Today the consciousness of gender issues is present which results in a will to use gender and sexuality neutral language. The term registered partners is more frequently used which can be seen as the institution of partnership has been included in the norm. The gay man is only part who has been accepted. The female sexuality has in general been ignored in the discourses and even more the sexuality of the homosexual woman.</p>

Master of Arts (MA)

Master of Arts (MA)

Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the nature and significance of economic perestroika during Mikhail Gorbachev's rule from 1985 to 1991. In particular, the focus is upon the importance of Gorbachev's role as leader in the process of reform, upon how he approached the Soviet state of systemic crisis, and, in broader terms, upon the nature of the debate concerning economic reform. It is argued that, in the wake of the attempted coup d'etat, the downfall of economic perestroika -- and, indeed, the downfall of the empire and of Gorbachev himself -- was the result of an intensifying state of economic, political, social, ideological, and nationalistic crises, crises which Gorbachev could neither stem nor mitigate. His vision of economic transformation, framed by his continued dedication to Marxism-Leninism and motivated by his enduring commitment to revitalize Soviet socialism and the Soviet state, is examined from the perspective of its three distinct, yet interrelated, elements: first, the process of de-Stalinization; second, the process of de-Brezhnevization; and third, the formulation of a new socialist economic model. Within this context, emphasis is placed upon Gorbachev's understanding of the interdependence between economics and politics or, more precisely, his intention to have political reform serve an economic function. Furthermore, particular attention is paid to the significance which Gorbachev accorded to the leading role of the Communist Party in both the process of reform and, more generally, the building of Soviet socialism. In order to consider the 'environment' which surrounded the formulation of Gorbachev's vision of economic transformation, the nature of the debate concerning economic reform is examined, specifically with a focus upon the post- 1988 period. There are two reasons for this focus: first, it marked the official drive toward systemic change; and second, it marked the emergence of far-reaching political conflict among elites regarding the nature, scope, and direction of economic transformation.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis explores the role of the Irish people as a dominant force testing and weakening the British Liberal Party in the years immediately preceeding the First World War. The period 1911-1914 is crucial in the development of Anglo-Irish relations, yet it has previously been almost entirely neglected. And though the decline of the Liberal Party has been the subject of considerable historical controversy, the part played by the Irish question has been largely overlooked.</p> <p>My thesis provides a detailed, analytical study of the Liberal government's response to the Irish crisis from 1911-1914. The main emphasis is placed on the activities of the Liberal cabinet at the centre of power in Westminster, giving particular attention to the influential roles of Asquith, Birrell, Lloyd George and Churchill.</p> <p>My sources have included cabinet and parliamentary papers, newspapers, Hansard, and relevant secondary material. The thesis is mainly based on about fifty collections of private papers of leading policiticans, back-benchers, and newspaper editors, including several not previously consulted by scholars.</p> <p>Though the Liberals shelved Home Rule from 1895 until the passage of the Parliament Act in 1911, the party retained a genuine commitment to Irish self-government. During 1911, the cabinet aimlessly considered United Kingdom devolution as a way to settle the Irish question. The scheme was finally abandoned as too ambitious and impracticable, but it remained a convenient panacea which could be used at points of deadlock in 1913-1914, when conciliatory negotiations seemed tactically expedient. The cabinet turned instead to the Gladstonian Home Rule bill of 1893, largely by default, and this provided the somewhat inadequate basis for the 1912 bill.</p> <p>The central theme of the thesis is the inability of Asquith's government to deal effectively with the Ulster problem. Asquith's failure was all the more tragic, since the years between the Parliament Act and the Easter Rebellion offered a unique opportunity to settle the Irish question. The Parliament Act at last made it a practical possibility, and its provisions allowed Asquith to incorporate special terms for Ulster into the bill during the first parliamentary circuit, without requiring Opposition agreement. But Asquith ignored the Ulster problem while the bill was being drafted, and rejected the appeal of Churchill and Lloyd George in February 1912 that Ulster should be excluded. The majority of the cabinet followed Asquith's lead in refusing to treat Ulster's resistance to HomeRule seriously until autumn 1913, when it was too late to avert the growing crisis.</p> <p>The parliamentary debates on Home Rule from April 1912 to January 1913 have been analysed thoroughly for the first time, concentrating especially on the reaction to the two significant Ulster exclusion amendments. The thesis then examines the various pressures leading towards conciliation by autumn 1913, and the secret negotiations between the party leaders from September 1013 to March 1914. Asquith's Ulster policy was finally wrecked by the Curragh incident in March 1914, since the government believed thereafter that it could not use the army to impose Home Rule on Ulster.</p> <p>Asquith's weaknesses as a war-time leader were already foreshadowed in his mismanagement of the Ulster crisis before the war. He relied throughout on a high-risk policy of prevarication, which had clearly failed by May 1914, though the utter hopelessness of the Irish situation was partially concealed by the European conflagration. The Irish problem of 1911-1914 also highlighted the essential problem for Liberalism of coming to grips with the 'progressive' demands of the twentieth century electorate, while still haunted by the traditional consitutional commitments of nineteenth century Gladstonian Liberalism.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to study the role that Canada played in the commonwealth and to assess the impact that this association had on several aspects of Canadian foreign policy from 1945 until 1968 by selected studies of particular issues that have been important to the Commonwealth during these years. The method used for assessing the evolution of Canada's relations with the Commonwealth is historical. In this historical study every aspect of the Commonwealth relationship was not surveyed, but our approach did permit a general assessment of changes in Canada's attitude and behaviour towards the Commonwealth and the impact that the association has had on Canadian foreign policy within the context of selected case studies.</p> <p>Indian membership in the Commonwealth, first as a Dominion in 1947 and then as a republic in 1949, transformed the association from one which was Anglocentric to one which was multiracial in composition. As a member, Canada was compelled to support principles which were fundamental to the new Commonwealth and embodied the aspirations of the non-white members. It was as a result of Asian membership that Canada became increasingly more tolerant towards admitting non-white immigrants, or at least those from Commonwealth countries, and furnished economic assistance. Indeed, the evidence indicates that the shape and content of our aid program in its early years was clearly influenced by our Commonwealth association.</p> <p>By 1961 it had become evident that the continued existence of the Commonwealth, serving as a forum to promote closer relations between peoples of different races, was threatened by the presence of a member state which practised a public policy of racial discrimination, and a British territory which continued to be governed by a white minority in sharp contradiction to the principles of this multiracial association. In order to preserve the Commonwealth from dissolution over these racial problems, Canadian prime ministers took a leading part in compelling South Africa to depart and repeatedly played a "lynchpinmanship" role during the Rhodesia issue.</p> <p>In sum, there was an extraordinary transformation in Canada's attitude and behaviour towards the Commonwealth between the mid-1940s and late-1960s. Moreover, the case studies concluded that successive Canadian governments were subject to direct and indirect influences from various Commonwealth actors and from the institution itself. Yet, while Canadian perspectives were broadened or initiatives apparently taken in the best interests of the Commonwealth, Canada shared similar interests and values with its fellow members, and achieved its own policy objectives by preserving this institution as an instrument of foreign policy. Thus, Canada had broadened its conception of the Canadian "national interest" to embrace the Commonwealth. To this extent, the Commonwealth had an impact on Canadian foreign policy.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

In this paper, new social movements in France and West Germany are compared in terms of their supporters, and in terms of certain elements of the political and administrative conditions which they are confronting. On the basis of survey data from 1982, specific attributes of supporters of new social movements (socio-demographic characteristics, value orientations, and attitudes) are highlighted which distinguish them from the average of the population. While broad similarities exist between supporters in both countries, the new social movements in France appear to be less distinct from mainstream society than their West German counterparts. The examination of the political and administrative conditions focuses on the centralization/decentralization of the State, and the party and electoral system in France and the Federal Republic. A decentralized system is argued to offer, on the whole, more favorable conditions for the protest movements. Also the West German party system, and the West German electoral mechanisms have helped the new social movements east of the Rhine. / M.A.