James Morris Lawson, Jr. grew up in Massillion, Ohio, in a loving Christian home. He became a pacifist at an early age after a memorable encounter with racism. As he matured, he studied nonviolence from the perspectives of Jesus Christ and the great Indian revolutionary, Mohandas Gandhi. After meeting the famous Christian pacifist, A. J. Muste, Lawson became a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and a conscientious objector to war. He spent fourteen months in a federal prison after refusing to be drafted into the U.S. military. After prison, Lawson worked in India as a missionary and learned nonviolent direct action strategies from Gandhi?s followers.Inspired by the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Lawson left India and returned to America in 1956 to join the struggle to end racial segregation in America. That same year, Lawson met Martin Luther King, Jr. and upon King?s request, moved to the South to teach nonviolence. Lawson eventually settled in Nashville, Tennessee, to teach nonviolence to a group of young men and women who would become some of the most important ?leaders? in the American Civil Rights Movement. James Lawson made a significant contribution to the student sit-in movement of 1960 by teaching a new idea?nonviolent direct action?to an elite group of student activists. However, his influence has been ignored by most histories of the movement. The following essay brings this elusive figure to the forefront and highlights his impact on the first wave of student activists who spearheaded the nonviolent campaign to overturn segregation.

Den här uppsatsen tar en närmare blick på karismatiskt ledarskap vilket ofta sägs vara en personlig egenskap som vissa föds med. Det sägs att personer som Gandhi, Barack Obama och Olof Palme har haft denna egenskap. En egenskap som får folk att följa ledaren oavsett uppoffringen för följaren, och som gör vad än ledaren vill att de skall göra. Arbetet vill problematisera synen på karisma som en personlig egenskap. Med hjälp av karismaforskningens fader, Max Weber, tillsammans med annan forskning om ledarskap och karisma formar denna uppsats en modell för att förstå karismatiskt ledarskap. Denna modell består av tre delar; Ledaren, Följarna och relationer samt Situationen. Denna modell används sedan för att med hjälp av Steve Jobs, känd bland annat för att ha varit karismatisk, visa att karismatiskt ledarskap inte är en personlig egenskap. Utan att den består av dessa tre delar och växer under en process för att bli starkare. / This Bachelor thesis takes a closer look at the charismatic leadership that often is claimed to be a trait that some people are born with. It is often said that people like Gandhi, Barack Obama and Olof Palme had this particular trait. A trait that would make people follow the leader willingly despite themselves and cater to his or her every whim. This thesis aims to problematize this and see if charisma as a personal trait really is true. With the help of the father of charisma, Max Weber, and research about leadership and charisma, this paper draws a model and tries to understand if charismatic leadership is more depended on these three components; The leader, the followers and the situation. This model is then applied to Steve Jobs, famous to be a charismatic person, and his career to try to show that charisma is not a personal trait. The thesis concludes that charisma is built on these three components and that charisma is a part of a process, which makes it come alive and grow.

Ecological concern prompts poor and indigenous people of India to consider how a society can ensure both protection of nature and their rightful claim for a just and sustainable future. Previous discussions defended the environment while ignoring the struggles of the poor for sustenance and their religious traditions and ethical values. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi addressed similar socio-ecological concerns by adopting and adapting traditional religious and ethical notions to develop strategies for constructive, engaged resistance. The dissertation research and analysis verifies the continued relevance of the Gandhian understanding of dharma (ethics) in contemporary India as a basis for developing eco-dharma (eco-ethics) to link closely development, ecology, and religious values. The method of this study is interpretive, analytical, and critical. Françoise Houtart’s social analytical method is used to make visible and to suggest how to overcome social tensions from the perspective of marginalized and exploited peoples in India. The Indian government's development initiatives create a nexus between the eco-crisis and economic injustice, and communities’ responses. The Chipko movement seeks to protect the Himalayan forests from commercial logging. The Narmada Bachao Andolan strives to preserve the Narmada River and its forests and communities, where dam construction causes displacement. The use of Gandhian approaches by these movements provides a framework for integrating ecological concerns with people's struggles for survival. For Gandhi, dharma is a harmony of satya (truth), ahimsa (nonviolence), and sarvodaya (welfare of all). Eco-dharma is an integral, communitarian, and ecologically sensitive ethical paradigm. The study demonstrates that the Gandhian notion of dharma, implemented through nonviolent satyagraha (firmness in promoting truth), can direct community action that promotes responsible economic structures and the well-being of the biotic community and the environment. Eco-dharma calls for solidarity, constructive resistance, and ecologically and economically viable communities. The dissertation recommends that for a sustainable future, India must combine indigenous, appropriate, and small- or medium-scale industries as an alternative model of development in order to help reduce systemic poverty while enhancing ecological well-being.

A dissertaÃÃo analisa a obra CÃnticos, de Cecilia Meireles, destacando o contexto histÃrico-cultural, ideolÃgico e artÃstico do sÃculo XX, a partir do estreito relacionamento da literatura produzida pelo poeta com o misticismo das filosofias do Oriente, em especÃfico, o Budismo, com a poesia mÃstica do poeta indiano Rabindranath Tagore e os discursos pacifistas de Mahatma Gandhi e Vinoba Bhave. O trabalho parte do corpus poÃtico, utiliza ainda como apoio a Poesia Completa da escritora, o estudo crÃtico realizado por Eliane Zagury, em "CecÃlia Meireles: notÃcia biogrÃfica, estudo crÃtico, antologia, bibliografia, discografia, partitura", e os depoimentos constantes de cartas, entrevistas, livros prefaciados e crÃnicas como amparo princiapal. Utilizando os mÃtodos descritivo, analÃtico, interpretativo-comparativo, a pesquisa divide-se em cinco momentos, sendo: "ConsideraÃÃes iniciais", "O sÃculo XX", "CÃnticos - A Liberdade nomeada", " A Bilbioteca via" e, finalmente, como conclusÃo, "A singularidade do canto mÃstico". / The dissertation examines the work Songs, Cecilia Meireles, highlighting the historical context-cultural, ideological and artistic of the twentieth century, from the close relationship of literature produced by the poet with the mysticism of the philosophies of the East, in particular, Buddhism, with the mystical poetry of the Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore and the speeches of peace Mahatma Gandhi and Vinoba Bhave. The work of the poetic corpus, still uses to support the writer Complete Poetry, the critical study conducted by Amy Zagury, "CecÃlia Meireles: news biographical, critical study, anthology, literature, discography, the score," and in the testimony of letters, interviews, books and chronic prefaciados as princiapal refuge. Using the methods descriptive, analytical, interpretive-comparison, the search is divided into five stages, where: "Initial considerations", "The twentieth century", "Songs - named Freedom," "The Bilbioteca way" and, finally, as a conclusion, "The uniqueness of mystical corner."

Rajiv Gandhi's violent death in May 1991 signalled the end of an entire era for the Congress Party: the long-lasting rule of the dynasty was over. Subsequent developments in the party have raised the question of change versus continuity. Has the end of the dynasty led to the birth of a new Congress, or will the dynastic party structures and organizational features continue into the post-Gandhi period? The argument that I will be advancing throughout the thesis is that structural continuity has characterized the organizational order of the party in its postdynastic period. The most obvious indicators of this continuity are that the party continues to be a deinstitutionalized, loosely structured coglomerate of political bosses with varying bases of support; the party remains paralyzed by factionalism at all levels, yet it escapes splits and schisms; and the Congress Prime Minister continues to be at the apex of the decision-making pyramid. The important question for political scientists to answer is why continuity has taken precedence over drastic change. I shall maintain that structural continuity in the party's organizational order has come about primarily as a result of environmental pressures exerted by the turbulence in the party system that was undergoing a fundamental transformation. The Indian party system changed from a predominant into a more competitive one in the late 1980s and early 1990s as the election results for 1989-91 period suggest. Under this environmental condition, it has been the requirement of organizational survival amidst external change that both necessitated and facilitated the continuation of the old order in the party. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

A research report proposal submitted to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Architecture (Professional), 2020 / More than 100 years ago, Mohandas K. Gandhi, an Indian lawyer, politician, social activist, and writer and his friend Hermann Kallenbach, a German born architect shaped the idea of an utopian environment separated from the city. Tolstoy Farm, was founded and located just outside of Lenasia, Johannesburg, which is now owned by Corobrik, where they have declared a portion of the land a heritage site. This thesis explores opportunities for connecting architectural design to the principles and concepts, which emerged out of the narrative and events that took place on Tolstoy farm. South Africans experienced segregation through religion and race. Architecture can be seen as a medium to establish a dialogue among these groups. This design aims to allow its users to experience a new “sense of place” that arouses curiosity, creativity, spirituality and comfort, starting to delve deeper and find the balance between architecture and the human body. This proposal will also explore different methodologies around spirituality to assist the reader in understanding the relationship around principles in Indian culture such as meditation, ayurvedic practices (the human body) and Vaastu Shastra (architecture). It is believed that not only do these elements give us the ability to heal but also boosts the energy around us and uplifts our spirits. This intervention aims to merge seemingly unrelated ideas in an unconventional and unprecedented way, ultimately resulting in a fusion of concepts, highlighting the past and bringing it out into the present. This ‘hybrid’ architectural piece draws on a program, from a healing center, combining a general clinic and an ayurvedic treatment center, which allows harmonious living in an urban landscape. Not only am I looking at the well-being of the users but also architecture that encompasses the teachings around Gandhi on site and the “Satyagraha” movement for non-violent protest. Each part of the program is seemingly different, yet each of them feed off of the other. This enables a multi-sensory ambience, a spatial experience and embodied spirit that resonate within the human soul / CK2021

Submitted by Suemi Higuchi (suemi.higuchi@fgv.br) on 2009-01-12T16:39:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CPDOC2008SusanaMoreiradosSantos.pdf: 2868614 bytes, checksum: e5e3745948dd3bffc137c1fe29803fd5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2009-01-12T16:39:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CPDOC2008SusanaMoreiradosSantos.pdf: 2868614 bytes, checksum: e5e3745948dd3bffc137c1fe29803fd5 (MD5) / Social technology is a new concept, but its theoretical foundation is inspired by the ideas of the Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi, who popularized the spinning hand-Charkhi, a turntable spinning rock, as a solution to reduce poverty. The objective of social technology is producing a new level of development, enabling access and production of knowledge throughout the population, uniting academic and popular knowledge in the search for innovative social solutions. Sport is considered the greatest social and cultural phenomenon of contemporary society, connecting to issues such as leisure and recreation, merchandising, spectacularization and social inclusion. Starting from ancient Greece until its institutionalization in England in the nineteenth century, sport has always been connected to the educational context. Currently, Brazilian law recognizes three dimensions of sport: sport of income, sport participation and educational sport. The focus of this study is the experience of Bola Pra Frente Institute, the social organization founded by the world cup champion soccer players Jorginho and Bebeto, with these two central issues: educational sport and social technology. We seek to contribute to a better understanding of these concepts and evaluating their contribution to social promotion. This study overview the history and deepens the current concepts of social technology, including its characterization and the implications of a social technology, as well as experiences of implementation. As a theoretical reference of educational sports, this research makes a brief history of sport and soccer, considering its relationship with society, education, and the third sector. As a practical reference, this study raises the history of Bola Pra Frente Institute, emphasizing its trajectory since 2000, when it was founded in the Complexo do Muquiço in Rio de Janeiro, until the present day, marking its guiding concepts, systemathising the information about its methodological organization, teaching methodology and evaluation of social impact as well as the application of the basic questions of social technology in the case of the Institute. / Tecnologia social é um conceito recente, mas sua fundamentação teórica foi inspirada nas idéias do líder indiano Mahatma Gandhi, que popularizou a fiação manual da charkha, uma roca de fiar giratória, como uma solução para diminuir a miséria. O objetivo de uma tecnologia social é produzir um novo patamar de desenvolvimento, que permita o acesso e a produção do conhecimento por toda a população, unindo os saberes acadêmico e popular na busca de soluções sociais inovadoras. O esporte é considerado o maior fenômeno social e cultural da sociedade contemporânea, conectando-se a questões como tempo livre e lazer, mercantilização, espetacularização e inclusão social. Partindo da Grécia Antiga até chegar à sua institucionalização, na Inglaterra do século XIX, o esporte sempre esteve ligado ao contexto educacional. Atualmente, a legislação brasileira reconhece três dimensões do esporte: esporte de rendimento, esporte de participação e esporte educacional. O foco deste estudo é a experiência do Instituto Bola Pra Frente, trabalho social dos tetracampeões mundiais de futebol Jorginho e Bebeto, com esses dois temas: esporte educacional e tecnologia social. Buscamos contribuir para um melhor entendimento desses conceitos e avaliar sua contribuição para a promoção social. Este estudo levanta o histórico e aprofunda os conceitos atuais de tecnologia social: o que caracteriza e quais as implicações de uma tecnologia social, além de experiências de implementação. Como referencial de esporte educacional, esta pesquisa faz um breve histórico do esporte e do futebol, analisando a sua relação com a sociedade, a educação e o terceiro setor. Como referencial prático, este estudo levanta a história do Instituto Bola Pra Frente, aprofundando sua evolução desde 2000, quando foi fundado, no Complexo do Muquiço, no Rio de Janeiro, até os dias atuais, enfatizando quais são os seus conceitos norteadores, sistematizando as informações acerca de sua organização metodológica, metodologia pedagógica e avaliação de impacto social, além da aplicação dos quesitos básicos de uma tecnologia social ao caso do Instituto.

L’éducation à la paix s’est développée juste après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, notamment avec la création de l’UNESCO. D’ailleurs, son Acte constitutif commence avec l’énoncé du principe suivant: « Les guerres prenant naissance dans l’esprit des hommes, c’est dans l’esprit des hommes que doivent être élevées les défenses de la paix. » (Unesco, 1945, 2014, p. 5) Après des recherches sur l’idéal de paix et sur les conceptions de l’éducation à la paix, nous avons posé quelques questions: Quelles sont les différentes stratégies d’éducation à la paix formelles, informelles et non formelles mises en place à travers le monde? À partir de l’inventaire des stratégies d’éducation à la paix, quelles sont celles qui participent le plus à l’objectif de construire un artisan de paix en chaque individu, peu importe son âge, sa classe sociale, sa culture et sa société? La recension des écrits a permis de mettre en évidence quelques pratiques: le dialogue pour la réconciliation, l’éducation interculturelle et aux droits humains, la médiation des conflits. Mais on ne relève pas de pratiques d’éducation à la paix basée sur les modèles. C’est pourquoi, nous avons énoncé la question générale de recherche en ces termes: En quoi les vies des figures de paix en tant que modèles de paix peuvent-elles contribuer à l’éducation à la paix? Nous avons mis en relief le lien possible entre le modèle de paix et la pédagogie basée sur le modèle (Gardner, 1999) dans le but de faire de l’éducation à la paix. Puis, nous avons pu poser deux objectifs de recherche: 1. Élaborer un matériel pédagogique à partir de la vie de modèles de paix pour servir à l’éducation à la paix dans des contextes éducatifs non formels; 2. Faire valider le matériel par des experts. Selon la démarche méthodologique de la recherche de développement (Van der Maren, 2014), nous avons élaboré le prototype du matériel pédagogique. Pour cela, nous avons sélectionné cinq modèles de paix: le Mahatma Gandhi, Mère Teresa, Martin Luther King, Wangari Maathai et Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba. Pour chaque modèle, nous avons créé des scénarios pédagogiques et élaboré du matériel d’accompagnement en fonction d’événements marquants dans leurs vies. Sept experts ont évalué le matériel produit et ont fait des suggestions pour l’améliorer. L’analyse de leur évaluation et leurs recommandations nous a permis de rédiger une nouvelle version que nous avons appelée la version validée du matériel. Le matériel pédagogique produit est intitulé La vie de modèles de paix: Outils d’éducation à la paix. La visée de ce matériel est de donner la possibilité à l’être humain d’identifier son potentiel en tant qu’artisan de paix et de l’amener à développer la paix en lui-même afin de semer la paix autour de lui. Les retombées de cette recherche concernent tant la communauté scientifique que la communauté professionnelle. Nous avons développé une approche pédagogique nouvelle pour faire de l’éducation à la paix et avons dégagé ses fondements théoriques, en plus de produire pour des intervenants socioéducatifs un matériel pédagogique qui a fait l’objet d’une évaluation rigoureuse.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While most people acknowledge the dignity of fellow humans, atrocities that deny the dignity of people are rampant in our world. The ongoing ignorance and aberrations of the dignity of human beings in the world might mean that there is still not clarity on what respect for the dignity of others really mean, how it should be practiced and whether human dignity is an entitlement or a responsibility. Human dignity was not always bestowed to every individual. In ancient times dignity was reserved for the strongest individual in and later was extended to certain classes, groups and nations like the monarchy and clergy, the Egyptians and Romans. The Renaissance brought a new consciousness of the worth of man. But despite this awareness, and the advent of a human rights culture as is found in the writings of modem philosophers like John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant, who all support the notion of human dignity, liberty and human rights, gross human rights violations still took place during the twentieth century. Stalin used the Russian people to create a successful socialistic state; Hitler exterminated all those who obstructed his ideal of creating a pure Aryan race, while Verwoerd legalized racial discrimination in South Africa and Namibia. As a result of the atrocities in Europe, especially during World War II, The United Nations was established with the aim to oversee and address human rights violations in the world. Human rights and respect for human dignity are included in the Bill of rights of the Constitutions of America, South Africa and Namibia. Health care providers acknowledge the rights of patients by respect for the autonomy of patients. Patients are autonomous persons and health care providers enable patients to take autonomous action. Autonomous action means that a patient will act with understanding, intention and without coercion. Paternalism is only justified when it serves to protect the patient or protect the rights of others. Health care providers practice autonomy by facilitating informed consent, by providing truthful information, by upholding confidentiality, to protect privacy of patients and to treat patients with respect. There is little uncertainty that people can claim the right to human dignity because persons have intrinsic worth as unique beings that are irreplaceable and exist as an end in themselves. Holy Scripture confirms that humans are created in the image of God. International human rights instruments and national constitutions provide people with the statutory right to human dignity and enable people to legally claim this right. But human dignity is also a responsibility because claiming a right has a reciprocal obligation on others not to violate the claimed right, but also requires from persons to value their own lives. Over reliance on science and rational thinking may negate human dignity because scientists do not always consider the needs of persons. The examples of world leaders like Gandhi, King and Mandela have also shown that one can earn human dignity through respectful conduct towards others. Protagoras of Abdera was aware of human worthiness as right and responsibility as long back as the fifth century Be, and this awareness still exists today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte daarvan dat meeste mense die menswaardigheid van ander erken, misken gruweldade in die wereld steeds die waardigheid van baie mense. Die miskenning van menswaardigheid mag beteken dat daar steeds onduidelikheid is oor wat respek vir die menswaardigheid van ander werklik beteken, hoe dit gepraktiseer moet word en of menswaardigheid 'n reg of 'n verantwoordelikheid is. Menswaardigheid was nie altyd aan alle persone verleen nie. In die antieke beskawing was menswaardigheid grootliks gereserveer vir die sterker persone, en later vir sekere klasse, groepe en nasies, soos die monargie en geestelikes, die Egiptenare en Romeine. Die Renaissance het 'n nuwe bewuswording van menswaardigheid gebring. Maar ten spyte van hierdie bewuswording en die koms van die menseregtekultuur is die werk van moderne filosowe soos John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau en Immanuel Kant, wat almal die gedagte van menswaardigheid, vryheid en menseragte ondersteun, het gruwellike menseregte skendings steeds plaasgevind gedurende die twintigste eeu. Stalin het die Russiese volk gebruik om 'n suksesvolle sosialistiese staat te skep, Hitler het probeer om almal wat sy ideaal bedreig het om 'n egte nie-Joodse Kaukasiese nasie te skep, te vermoor, terwyl Verwoerd rassediskriminasie gewettig het in Suid-Afrika en Namibië. As gevolg van die gruweldade in Europa, veral gedurende die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het die Verenigde Nasies tot stand gekom om die menseregteskendings in die wereld te monitor en aan te spreek. Die Konstitusies van Amerika, Suid-Afrika en Namibië, erken menseregte en die respek vir menswaardigheid. Ook in gesondheidsorg word die regte van die pasiënt beskerm deur die beginsel van respek vir die outonomie van pasiënte. Pasiënte is outonome persone en gesondheidsorg werkers maak dit moontlik vir pasiënte om outonome handelinge uit te voer. Outonome handelinge beteken dat die pasiënt sal handel met intensie en sonder dwang en dat die handeling ten volle verstaan word. Paternalisme is alleen geregverdig wanneer dit die regte van die pasiënt of ander persone beskerm. Gesondheidsorg werkers fasiliteer outonomie van pasiënte deur ingeligte toestemming te verkry, pasiënte nie te mislei nie, vertroulikheid te handhaaf, privaatheid van die pasiënt te verseker en deur pasiënte te respekteer. Daar is min onsekerheid dat persone op die reg tot menswaardigheid kan aanspraak maak want mense het inherente waarde as mense wat nie vervang kan word nie en wat in hulself 'n bestaansdoel het. Die Skrif bevestig dat die mens na die beeld van God geskape is. Internasionale menseregte instrumente en nasionale konstitusies maak voorsiening vir die wettige reg tot menswaardigheid en maak dit vir mense moontlik om wettiglik op hierdie reg aanspraak te maak. Mense het egter nie net 'n reg tot menswaardigheid nie maar ook 'n verantwoordelikheid. Aanspraak op 'n reg tot menswaardigheid impliseer 'n wedersydse verantwoordelikheid dat ander die reg nie mag skend nie, maar vereis ook die verantwoordelikheid dat persone waarde aan hul eie lewens sal heg. Oorwaardering van die wetenskap en rasionaliteit mag ook menswaardigheid ontken, omdat menslike behoeftes nie altyd in ag geneem word deur wetenskaplikes nie. Voorbeelde van wêreldleiers soos Gandhi, King en Mandela bewys dat menswaardigheid ook verwerf kan word deur ander respekvol te behandel. Protagoras of Abdera was reeds in die vyfde eeu voor Christus bewus van menswaardigheid as reg en verantwoordelikheid, en hierdie bewussyn is steeds geldig vandag.

The aim of this study is to examine the idea and practice of human rights in the particular context of India, with reference to a diverse set of organizations that emerged as a response to rights abuse, perpetrated both by state agencies and by dominant sections of the society. This work examines thirteen such organizations: ten of which are indigenous non-governmental organizations (NGOs), two are governmental organizations, and one is an intentional NGO, namely Amnesty International. The development of the idea of human rights in India is examined with reference to the major religious traditions, and the contributions of some national leaders (Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar). It is argued that the demand for civil and political rights, first raised by the Western educated elite, grew as a response to changes in the political system during the British rule, and was incorporated in the nationalist ideology, championed by the Congress party. The first human rights organization, established in 1936, became a model for various organizations that were formed in the post-independent period. Political developments towards the end of the 1960s and early 1970s gave rise to a set of organizations with limited agendas. After the period of national Emergency (June 1975-March 1977), as the organizations reconstituted themselves, they also diversified and expanded their agendas. The successful role of Amnesty International in highlighting rights abuse in India is described. This is contrasted with its Indian section, which has been beset by organizational problems. The circumstances in which the Indian organizations were formed, the way they have developed and how they function is examined.