The diploma thesis describes theory of Samuel Huntington about the clash of civilizations. Its focus is on the clash between Islam and the West. The thesis describes also history of Afghanistan until 2001 and the fall of the Taliban movement. In accordance with Huntington's thesis, and taking into account his critics, it aims to answer the question, whether there is a clash of civilization in Afghanistan. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has catalyzed a battle of perspectives and different framings of theconflict between both parties involved. The central figure of the framing on the Russian side hasbeen Vladimir Putin who through his discourse attempted to justify his war efforts by framing theinvasion as a civilizational conflict. Even though, there has been a growing body of literature that hasanalyzed the civilizational shift in discourse of Vladimir Putin. There has not been much theoreticalengagement with the “clash of civilizations” thesis outlined by Samuel P. Huntington (1993). Existing research on this topic remains limited due to the fact that the events covered in this thesis happenedlast year. This paper aims to fill gaps in existing research by analyzing Putin's Annexation Speech delivered on September 30, 2022, during the signing of treaties annexing four Ukrainian regions tothe Russian Federation. Employing Norman Fairclough's three-dimensional model (1989;1992;2010), this study provides a comprehensive analysis of Putin's Annexation Speech to ascertain theextent to which Putin utilized the "clash of civilizations". The main thesis of this paper is that Vladimir Putin largely built on the “clash of civilizations” concept in his speech to frame the conflict in aspecific way. Additionally, it is argued that the utilization of this rhetoric is likely to influence theconflict and preserve it at its current scale in the foreseeable future.

This essay evaluates social constructivist theory by analyzing how it brings understanding to an empirical case. The case under study is the Danish Muhammad Cartoon Controversy of 2005-2006, and by using a constructivist conceptualization of identities and norms this essay attempts to demonstrate how constructivism helps in understanding the event where rationalist theories fall short. This essay concludes that these two concepts do further understanding of various social elements that contributed to the explosiveness of the conflict but that there is a difficulty in establishing causality and outlining in detail how they do so.

This Master's Thesis deals with the famous work of a Clash of Civilizations by Samuel Huntington. The topic is described to full extent. First of all, there are defined basic terms connected with culture. Afterwards, the conception of a Clash of Civilizations is described in its basic concepts, whereas there are not omitted consequences connected with the author's other works as well as his life. A special chapter is dedicated to the impact that this work caused. This chapter is devided into two parts. In the first part, there are presented general references of several authors. In the other part, there are discussed comprehensive conceptions of certain authors. Concretely, they are represented by Francis Fukuyama, Immanuel Wallerstein, Alvin Toffler and Michael Novak. After description of basic ideas of these big thinkers, there is made a comparison of their conceptions, which is based on the following terms -- universalism, democracy a capitalism, world order and modernization. In the last part of this Master's Thesis, there are deduced conclusions from the comparison of these conceptions that deal with the international system, which makes this issue more clear for both public and academic people.

The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine how traditional news media vis-à- vis alternative news media in Sweden portrayed the Quran burnings and the riots which followed during august in the summer of 2020. With the basis in framing theory and intermedia agenda setting we examined these research questions: How do the news papers frame the Quran burnings? What discourses are reproduced? How do the traditional news papers and the alternative news papers framing of the Quran burnings differ from each other?  The qualitative methods used in this bachelor thesis were Robert Entmans framing theory combined with Rens Vliegenthart &amp; Stefaan Walgraves intermedia agenda setting theory. Also, we used different theories regarding populism, clash of civilizations and freedom of speech in order to find various themes in the reporting. For instance, the study applies Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of the carnivalesque to examine how the alternative news paper Samnytt framed the Quran burnings.  Through examining news articles, we discovered several preexisting frames and some additional ones. The results showed that the traditional news papers framed the Quran burnings in a laconic way as an intolerant act against Muslims, while the alternative news papers framed the Quran burnings as a clash of civilizations and simultaneously as an act of freedom of speech. In relation to the alternative news papers overly dramatic and sensationalistic discourse, the traditional news papers discourse was more moderate. In this way the populist discourse in the alternative news media and their focus on the “man on the street” is an example of how the alternative news media defines itself as an opposition to the hegemonic “elite” news media institutions. In the alternative news papers, we also found one specific frame concerning anti-Semitism in Malmö, which was not given the same amount of attention by the traditional news papers.  The result of this study shows differences in framing, in line with previous research regarding alternative news media and populism, that could be an example of how the alternative news media is born and defines itself as an alternative to a narrative they deem wrong or lacking in traditional news media. This is primarily an effect of the fact that the traditional news papers lacked diversity in their interviewees since they mostly relied on authority sources, or in one case their own opinion piece writer, to tell the story. The results of this study highlights processes and effects that lies at the core of several phenomenon in this sphere, therefore it should be used to further the research on framing, alternative news media and populism. / <p>En kvalitativ analys av traditionella kontra alternativa nyhetsmediers gestaltning av koranbränningarna i Malmö 2020. </p>

This research investigates the intersection of religion, self-identification, and imperialism in a number of Arab American literary works. It engages a wide array of, and contributes to, scholarship from American Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Islamic Studies, Global Studies, and Transnational Literary Theory. The project examines two groups of writers: the first group consists of American cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent, such as Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Nonie Darwish, Bridgette Gabrielle, and Wafa Sultan, while the second includes Arab American literary writers Mohja Kahf, Leila Ahmed, Ibrahim Fawal, and Alia Yunis. The former employ the traditional autobiography genre to produce master narratives, while the latter utilize the memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres to challenge hegemonies and master narratives. The cultural conservatives, I contend, belong to a growing transnational body of writers whose phenomenon constitutes an extension of what Matthew F. Jacobs calls an “informal network” of transnational self-identified specialists (4). In their autobiographies, Ali, Gabrielle, Darwish, and Sultan concentrate on the Middle East, Muslims, and Arabs, but they are unique in the sense that their policy-oriented personal narratives explicitly seek to influence not only American attitudes and practices aimed at Arabs and Muslims, but also those directed at American citizens of Arab or Muslim descent. Furthermore, their culturally-conservative traditional autobiographies Infidel (2007), Nomad (2010), Heretic (2015), Now They Call Me Infidel (2006), Because They Hate (2006), They Must Be Stopped (2008), and A God Who Hates (2009) deem American multiculturalism a serious danger to the United States and the West, a thesis not unlike Samuel P. Huntington’s in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996). In this research project, I claim that Arab American literary writers have had to face, and write against, the predominance of this old-new clash of civilizations idea which has evolved into a discourse promulgated by the self-identified experts of the “informal network” and the cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent. The Arab American literary novels, memoirs, and short-story cycles my study closely examines trouble the clash of civilizations discourse. Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006), Ahmed’s A Border Passage (1999), Fawal’s On the Hills of God (1998), and Yunis’s The Night Counter (2009) are arguably representative of trends in, though not limited to, the contemporary Arab American memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres and are best understood as literary writing within the context of this broader American tradition of interpreting the Middle East, Arabs, and Muslims and the specific cultural conservative fixation on Arab and Muslim Americans. / Graduate

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.

Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis militent en faveur de l’intégration de la Turquie à l’UE et deviennent, sous la présidence Clinton, les plus ardents défenseurs de la cause turque, avant même Ankara. Comment expliquer ce positionnement de la superpuissance mondiale, elle qui n’appartient pourtant pas au continent européen et ne dispose pas d’un pouvoir décisionnel dans l’UE ? Cet activisme s’explique par la mutation des enjeux et des défis au XXIe siècle : résurgence éventuelle de la Russie, influence iranienne dans le monde musulman, montée de la menace djihadiste ou « choc des civilisations » prédit par Huntington. Pour y faire face, Washington regarde l’alliance de l’UE chrétienne à la Turquie musulmane comme une stratégie préventive : l’adhésion d’Ankara, outre son aspect symbolique qui permettrait de contrer la rhétorique des djihadistes tout en signalant aux musulmans vivant en Europe qu’ils ne sont pas étrangers au continent, ferait de la Turquie un modèle pour l’ensemble de son voisinage et une force de projection occidentale dans le monde musulman. L’UE, grâce à son pouvoir normatif, est indispensable à cette fin : sans elle, la démocratie ainsi que le libéralisme politique et économique pourraient-ils s’implanter en terre d’Islam ? Sans elle, la Turquie restera-t-elle un Etat laïc ancré à l’Occident ? Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 propulsent cette stratégie au sommet des priorités des administrations Bush : elle s’intègre désormais dans leur Freedom agenda. Si la survenue des printemps arabes en 2011 aurait dû rendre indispensable l’ancrage de la Turquie à l’UE afin de s’assurer qu’elle puisse influencer les événements en propageant les valeurs occidentales auprès de ces populations en quête de démocratie, l’Amérique cesse pourtant progressivement son militantisme envers une adhésion qui devient chimérique. Au lieu de souder l’alliance entre les Etats-Unis, la Turquie et l’UE, les printemps arabes auront fissuré les fondations déjà écornées de ce partenariat, si bien qu’à la fin du mandat d’Obama, la relation triangulaire est déliquescente. / In the aftermath of the Cold War, the US has asserted a strong lobbying in favor of Turkey’s accession to the EU, and became the first supporter of this integration, before Ankara itself. How could we explain the US involvement since it doesn’t belong to the European continent? The new world order brought new challenges for the 21st century. Therefore, such an integration was perceived as a preventive strategy by Washington to deter upcoming threats facing the West, such as Russian resurgence, Iranian influence in the Muslim world, jihadism, or the « clash of civilizations ». Indeed, it would help bridging the growing gap between the West and the Muslim world by uniting under the same roof Christian countries within the EU, and the former Caliphate. It would also enable Turkey to be a Western projection force in its neighborhood — stretching from the Balkans to the Middle East — by becoming a model. To do so, Turkey has to become more liberal politically and economically. However, would it be possible without European prospects? From a US perspective, the normative power of the EU is necessary to see Turkey succeeding in proving that Islam, secularism and democracy are compatible and to spread Western values in its neighborhood while anchoring Ankara firmly in the West. 9/11 reinforced the significance of this strategy, which got integrated into the Freedom agenda and the global war on terror. Therefore, supporting Ankara’s accession became a top priority of Bush administrations. Barack Obama maintained this policy, even though the US lobbying slowed down, since it appeared this integration might never occur. The Arab awakening could have been the perfect occasion to bring closer together Turkey and the EU so that Ankara could become the model Arabs were calling for. However, instead of strengthening the US-Turkey-EU relations, those events damaged their alliance, which was already strained. At the end of Obama’s presidency, this triangular relation seemed on the verge to collapse.

Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

Este trabalho propõe o estudo da ideia de “fim da História”, conforme apresentada pelo cientista político norte-americano Francis Fukuyama. Em um primeiro momento, delimitamos seu conceito de “fim da História” a partir do artigo original The End of History?, de 1989, e de suas publicações seguintes, até o livro The End of History and the Last Man, de 1992. Na segunda parte, após contrastar a ideia ao paradigma de “choque de civilizações”, de Samuel Huntington, aproximamos a estrutura conceitual proposta por Fukuyama de tópicos da teoria da história e história da historiografia relacionados ao conceito moderno de História e sua eventual exaustão identificada por diversos autores. No terceiro momento, o trabalho aborda o percurso da obra de Fukuyama após a repercussão inicial de sua proposta de “fim da História”, até os dias de hoje, buscando eventuais novidades à estrutura conceitual delimitada anteriormente. A título de conclusão, abordamos o cenário atual dos debates da historiografia para especular acerca do futuro do campo do conhecimento e do ofício do historiador. / This work proposes the study of the idea of the “end of History“, as it is presented by the North American political scientist Francis Fukuyama. At first, we delimit the concept from his original article The End of History?, published in 1989, and from his following publications, up to his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man. In the second part, after contrasting Fukuyama’s idea to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” paradigm, we put the conceptual structure proposed by Fukuyama alongside topics regarding theory of history and history of historiography related to the modern concept of History and its eventual exhaustion, already signaled by several authors. The third part approaches the long course of Fukuyama’s work regarding “the end of History”, after the repercussion of his initial article up until the present days, looking for eventual innovations in the conceptual structure previously designed. For the sake of conclusion, we approach the current debates around the topic, to speculate about the future of the field of knowledge and the role attributed to the professional historian.