This thesis examines and compares the humanitarian interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. The purpose of this study is to examine if the presence of strong tribal structures within a nation can increase the risk of terrorist activities, and subsequently contribute to a failed state following a humanitarian intervention. By applying a theory on tribes and critical terrorism studies, this thesis argues that policymakers might underestimate the significance of tribal structure within a state, before intervening. With Mills method of concomitant variation, this thesis has examined and compared the leadership, interventions, radical presence, and tribal structures of Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. This thesis has also examined if interventions can increase radicalism. The result from the analysis shows us that the presence of strong tribal structures can increase the terrorist activities and subsequently contribute to a failed state. Humanitarian intervention can further lengthen the weak state apparatus if the external actors neglect of the local structures of a state.

The Master thesis connects a concept of sustainable development and post-conflict reconstruction and uses this connection to analyze post-conflict reconstruction after Kosovo war in 1998 - 1999. The situation is analyzed in four dimensions - economic, social, political and environmental and the thesis examines how much importance is given to the different dimensions. The dimensions are analyzed according to different stages of post-conflict reconstruction. The conclusion of the analysis is that the environmental dimension was given less importance than the others and the development was not sustainable.

The case of Kosovo conflict serves as tool to test the validity of Huntington's theory. Owing to the fact that Mr, Huntington himself described the Balkans and Kosovo as an example of a fault line war, my aim is to verify his assumptions that the roots of the Kosovo conflict are to be found in the religion. During this work the conflict is reconstructed using Mr. Huntington's hypothesis and claims as well as interpreted by three hypothesis. Firstly, Kosovo could represent a conflict at the fault line, which would mean that the theory of the clash of the civilizations is verified. Secondly, the intervention of NATO implies participation of the third civilization in the conflict. To put in differently, the democratic West (NATO) intervened against the orthodox civilization (Serbia) in order to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe the Albanian population of Kosovo (Islam) was to face. Verification of this theory would imply that if there was a conflict between the civilizations in Kosovo, it was between the West (and Kosovo as an integral part of it) and the orthodox civilization. The third hypothesis interprets the Kosovo conflict as a war of the Civilization to promote its own values. Despite the fact that this explanation of the Kosovo conflict could possibly be the most probable one, original assumption of Mr. Huntington stating that the problems of Kosovo are of religious character would be falsified.

Creative ambiguity as a negotiation strategy is used often in peace agreements and refers to when ambiguities are used in agreements to serve as a positive motivation to get over obstacles. While it has many positive impacts, the use of creative ambiguity also often times shifts the burden of the negotiation phase to the implementations phase, and thus can result into agreements that are not implemented as well as plummeting the relations between the parties affected. This thesis aims to understand how the use of creative ambiguity in the Brussels Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia had an impact on the heightened conflict between the countries. This thesis is a single instrumental case study that illustrates the issue of creative ambiguity through the case of the Brussels Agreement. Through analysing interferences from material mainly collected from both countries’ government websites, this study conducted that the use of creative ambiguity had a harmful impact not only on the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, but also on the implementation of the agreement.

In everyday life, imposing your will on your neighbour is likely to turn out counterproductive for your mutual relationship in the long term. Yet, the EU’s Enlargement-policy is commonly perceived as embedded with a spirit of policy imposition. While this is commonly perceived as a by-product of the EU’s power vis-à-vis pre-accession countries, few scholars have studied the implications of such imposition in its pre-accession contexts. This thesis aims to study such implications by drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theoretical approach (1985). It therefore asks, how can we identify spaces in which counterhegemonic discourses emerge? In answering this, it applies a multi-method case study of Kosovo’s pre-accession context and conceives of Enlargement as a hegemonic discourse. It argues that counterhegemonic spaces can be identified by studying the undecidability of Enlargement’s discursive structure. It finds that Kosovans are subject to a plethora of hegemonic narratives, which simultaneously possess the potential for counterhegemonic disarticulations. From this perspective, events such as the general election in 2019 in Kosovo can be understood as a counterhegemonic moment. In developing its discourse theoretical approach, it contributes to poststructuralist IR and European Integration Studies by developing our understandings of the interplay between hegemonic and counterhegemonic discourses.

The thesis covers foreign military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995) and former Yugoslavia (1999). First, the definition of the humanitarian intervention is presented as well as factors influencing the success of intervention. Then both cases are analysed using the factors defined earlier. The success of the intervention is sought in two realms. First, whether the relevant case corresponds with the definition of the humanitarian intervention. Second, whether the aims set at the beginning of the intervention were achieved. According to the author the intervention in Somalia did not succeed, although it had better prospects to achieve the aims than the bombing of Yugoslavia at first sight. The Kosovo case was, on the contrary, a successful humanitarian intervention, although it was a very controversial example of the use of military force.

In recent decades, the international community has been dominated by discussions about the legitimacy of humanitarian interventions. In connection with this discussion, we have been able to see different point of views from different actors, including world leaders, where the question is whether emphasis should be placed on sovereignty or on the protection of human rights. The humanitarian intervention in Kosovo in 1999 carried out by NATO, led by the United States, is a clear example where there were divided opinions on whether an intervention is necessary and in accordance with the norms of the international community. Previous research shows that world leaders' positions and actions in the international arena can be explained by norms and by constructivist theory This essay examines statements made by the key actors and former presidents, Bill Clinton and Slobodan Milosevic, in connection with the intervention in Kosovo in 1999. With the aim of examining the norms and principles that support world leaders' arguments in connection with humanitarian interventions, with the support of an argumentative analysis. The analysis shows that there are similarities between Clinton's and Milosevic's norms and perceptions of the world in general, despite their opposing views on the intervention in Kosovo.

The main objectives of this study are: 1) To critically appraise the supposed tension between ‘territorial integrity’ on the one hand, and the peoples’ right to self-determination as a basis for secession. 2) To demonstrate that the current position of the law is tactically vague and crippling to the international efforts for a better and peaceful world for all. 3) To draw lessons from the practice of the United Nations and other regional bodies in diffusing violent conflict and maintaining peace where secession claims have taken violent forms. 4) To suggest an edifice for the permanent mandate of the United Nations to deal with secession claims. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Ben Twinomugisha, Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Uganda. / LLM Dissertation (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa -- University of Pretoria, 2009. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The diploma thesis "The KFOR mission in Kosovo: The NATO activity in Kosovo after the military intervention in 1999" has its aim in describing individual steps of the KFOR mission in Kosovo after 1999 and strives to analyze the achievements of this activity. How much effectiveness KFOR produced in pursuing the goal of peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction? What were the achievements of the mission and when is it feasible to withdraw the mission from Kosovo? In addition, the thesis also analyzes the activity of other international missions in Kosovo and their cooperation with KFOR.

The thesis deals with the international legal aspects of secession and the right to self-determination of nations. This issue will be presented in more detail on the cases of Kosovo and the Crimea. The aim of the thesis is to clarify the problems of Kosovo and the Crimea using the terminology of international law. In this paper, we will try to find answers to two research questions and whether it is possible to apply the conclusions of the MSD opinion on the independence of Kosovo in the case of the Crimea? Furthermore, whether there has been a violation of international law by the Russian authorities in the Crimea? The thesis is divided into four chapters. In the first are used the concepts of international law. In the second chapter, the notion of Art Nouveau and the development of the principle of the right to self-determination are theoretically defined in their present form. The third chapter is then focused on Kosovo. The greatest attention will be paid to the declaration of independence in 2008 and, in particular, to that of the International Court of Justice in 2010. In the fourth chapter, we will focus on the international legal issues of the events in the Crimea. The key part will be the assessment of the consequences of the declaration of the independence of the Crimea and its subsequent...