This paper argues that the EU’s enlargement discourse can be understood as a form of political myth wherein a subject must align itself with an fantasmatic ideal type ofEuropean state. It works through positing a past from which the subject must advance, and a mythical horizon towards which the subject strives. The stage in between these temporal phases is understood as liminality, an ontological limbo of sorts. To illustrate how the political myth works, a discourse analysis is conducted by investigating reports by the UN and EU on the status of Kosovo’s alignment with ‘European standards’ and evaluations of the political situation. By applying the political discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, it was found that the image of the past in Kosovo was filled with symbols of ethnic conflict, clan affiliation andlingering communism, while the mythical horizon of European integration promised a utopian idea of multi-ethnicity, rule of law and freedom of movement. Kosovo in the process of integration is then stuck in a liminal phase between these temporal points, while the EU through a set of categorical measurements constructs not only Kosovo’s identity but also the ideal image of a European state and how to become one.

Efforts to control small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the periods following violent conflict can have positive or negative impacts on peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, peacebuilding activities can both support or endanger efforts to place SALW under greater control. Despite the regular occurrence of SALW control and peacebuilding activities in the same time and space in post violent conflict contexts, there is insignificant analysis of how the two sets of activities interrelate, and how these interelationships can be strengthened to improve the contribution that SALW control efforts make to peacebuilding, and vice-versa. The effects of interrelationships over time (contingency); in the same geographic space (complementarity) and the effects of public perceptions and social construction are particularly important and provide a framework for establishing these interrelationships through analysing a wide universe of cases of SALW control attempted in countries emerging from violent conflict, five mini-cases studies and a major analysis of interrelationships in Kosovo.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis embarks on efforts to understand how effective is multiculturalism in addressing ethnic cleavages in post-conflict societies. Kosovo, as a post-socialist and post-war country, is the particular case analyzed in order to understand how multiculturalist policies have in the last fifteen years affected interethnic relations in the country. By embarking on a case study approach, I use two main methods, interviewing and document analysis, as a means of triangulation to reinforce the arguments used in the analysis and interpretation of data. Liberal multiculturalism as elaborated by Kymlicka is the theoretical model which is used continuously to give meaning to the empirical data analyzed. The success of multiculturalism is approached in two respects: first, I look at what went wrong during the implementation of such multicultural policies, namely, the approach of international community in addressing interethnic relations through the introduction of group-rights. Secondly, I look specifically at the elements of liberal multiculturalism and how did they affect interethnic relations for the last fifteen years. The thesis shows a shared blame for the persisting fragility of interethnic relations in Kosovo both to the approach of the international community, as well as to the multiculturalist model itself.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las implicancias de la determinación definitiva del estatus legal de la provincia de Kosovo como factor de estabilidad que permitiría promover la integración de los países de la región del Sudeste de Europa. De esta manera, si se logra incentivar una mayor cooperación entre los países de la región, esto implicaría una mejor percepción y un acercamiento a la Unión Europea, lo que a su vez, podría favorecer las relaciones que desarrolla este organismo continental con América Latina. Resulta interesante revisar las características del mercado y de las preferencias de los consumidores en los países del Sudeste de Europa, considerando que la oferta exportable peruana no está aún presente en esa región y que tiene potencial para posicionarse en dicho mercado. Para lograr nuestro primer objetivo de analizar la determinación del estatus legal de Kosovo, es muy importante estudiar las condiciones políticas, económicas, sociales, culturales, religiosas y étnicas que vive la provincia de Kosovo en la actualidad, para conocer si reúne los elementos para ser considerado como un Estado independiente. Para ello, es necesario conocer los antecedentes históricos de la región a fin de comprender como se fue poblando la provincia de Kosovo y de donde provienen sus habitantes, las relaciones que ha tenido Kosovo con el resto de los países de la región y las características de la mentalidad de su población. El futuro estatus legal de Kosovo es un tema muy interesante para el Derecho Internacional Público, en especial, en lo que se refiere al origen o creación de los nuevos Estados y a la secesión de los mismos

[pt] O objetivo da dissertação é avaliar a contribuição e o desenvolvimento da Escola Inglesa de Relações Internacionais. Para tanto, opta-se pela análise histórica, priorizando-se uma abordagem cronológica. Nesse sentido, analisa-se, inicialmente, a contribuição de dois de seus principais teóricos: Martin Wight e Hedley Bull, que estabeleceram os eixos teóricos e conceituais constitutivos da Escola. Na segunda parte, considera-se o debate sobre a identidade e a validade da contribuição da Escola nos anos 1980. Na última parte, apresenta-se uma avaliação da Escola Inglesa nos anos 1990. Introduz-se, então, a bifurcação entre uma vertente crítica e outra clássica e a inovação trazida por uma nova geração de teóricos. Por fim, procura- se apresentar, de forma crítica, o debate travado dentro da Escola sobre o conflito do Kosovo. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to evaluate the contribution and the development of the English School of International Relations. In order to achieve this, the analytical axis will be historic, emphasising a chronological approach. In this sense, it was accessed the contribution of two of its leading theorists: Martin Wight and Hedley Bull, that together established the mains theoretical and conceptual axis constitutive of the school. In the second part, the debate about the identity and the validity of the contribution of the school in the 1980s was analysed. In the last part, it is offered an evaluation of the English School in the 1990s. Its bifurcation into two approaches, a critical and a classical one; and the theoretical innovation brought by a new generation of theorists, will be introduced. Latter on, it will be offered an critical analysis of the debate that took place in the English School after the conflict at Kosovo.

John A. Warden III is one the most mentioned air power theoretic of his time.He has written a number of theories concerning air power and the best way to use this to win wars.The author of this paper gives a short resume of what he consider are the central thoughts in John Warden´s theories. These thoughts result in four factors; Enemy as a system, centre of gravity, parallel attack/concentration and finally air superiority. These factors are then being used to inves-tigate if NATO used Wardens theories during the Kosovo war in 1999.The reason for the author to choose the Kosovo war specifically is due to the fact that NATO during the war only used air power as an instrument to get Serbia´s president Milosevic to the negotiation table but also the fact that this would turn out to be quite a challenge for NATO.The conclusion is that out of the four factors only one is traceable throughout the entire operation, and that is air superiority. Regarding the other three factors they can only be found in parts of the operation. / John A. Warden III är en av de mest omskrivna luftmaktsteoretikerna under sin tid. Han har lagt fram ett antal teorier för vad han anser är bästa sättet att använda luftmakt för att vinna krig. I uppsatsen ges en sammanfattning av vad författaren anser vara de centrala tankarna i hans teorier. Dessa utmynnar i fyra begrepp; fienden som ett system, tyngdpunktsbegreppet,parallell attack och kraftsamling samt luftrumskontroll. Dessa begrepp står sedan somutgångspunkt för en fallstudie av NATO:s luftmaktsanvändning under Kosovokriget 1999.Undersökningen syftar till att undersöka om NATO använde sig av John Wardens luftmaktsteorier under kriget.Varför författaren har valt just Kosovokriget beror bland annat på att NATO under kriget enbart använde sig av luftmakt för att få Serbiens president Milosevic till förhandlingsbordet samt att det också visade sig bli en stor prövning för dem.Slutsatsen blev att av de fyra utvalda faktorerna så var det endast en som NATO visade sig foku-sera på under hela operationen, detta var luftrumskontroll. Vad gäller de övriga tre faktorerna finner författaren att NATO använt sig av dessa i stort sett bara under slutskedet av operationen.

2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.