The purpose of this work is to examine the effect of the use of combat drones for the practice of targeted killing on international order. The understanding of these effects is critical for if the use of combat drones for targeted killing undermines critical institutions of international society, which serves as the basis for international order, then the international order itself would be undermined. It is a qualitative study of drones and their effect on select primary institutions found within the theoretical framework of the English School (ES) of International Relations. The institutions used in this work are sovereignty, territoriality, international law, great power management, and war. This work builds its case on open source primary and secondary documents from the UN and news outlets to gauge the effect and reaction of states to the use of drones over the last 15 years. It found that drones and targeted killing have indeed had a detrimental effect on the institutions of sovereignty, territoriality, and international law. However, drones have also met positive approval by great power management and have helped change the nature of the institution of war. / Master of Arts

The vast number of refugees in the world represents a very real, quantifiable, and troublesome "problem" for mainstream scholars of International Relations (IR). Mainstream IR is not able to address the problem of the refugee because of its emphasis on the state as a central actor and its inattention to justice in an international system. This thesis argues that the approaches of the English School and normative theory might come together to create a "via media" or middle ground which better addresses the problem of the refugee in international relations than mainstream IR has to date. While both approaches have limitations, the concept of international society and order versus justice debate of the English School compliments the attention given by normative theory to state responsibility and justice concerns of normative theory. The English School and normative theory can work in tandem to provide a middle ground which can directly address the problem of the refugee. The two approaches together provide a better way to start the conversation concerning the refugee.

Die Dissertationsschrift stellt die erste systematische Studie des transatlantischen Konflikts über den Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH) aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive dar. Der Fall des IStGH wird häufig als ein Beleg für transatlantische Spannungen im Hinblick auf das Völkerrecht und die Arbeit internationaler Organisationen zitiert bzw. als ein Indikator für eine zunehmend unilaterale Außenpolitik der USA aufgefasst. Obwohl der IStGH somit einen prominenten Platz auf der Agenda der transatlantischen Beziehungen einnimmt, wurden die Umstände, die zu dem Konflikt über seine Errichtung zwischen Europa und den USA führten bis dato noch nicht eingehend wissenschaftlich untersucht. In dieser Hinsicht betritt die eingereichte Dissertation Neuland. Sie geht über die vage Klassifikation von US-amerikanischem Unilateralismus versus europäischem Multilateralismus hinaus, indem sie sich systematisch den folgenden Fragen zuwendet: Was sind die Gründe für die unnachgiebige Opposition der USA gegen den IStGH? Warum gaben sowohl Großbritannien als auch Frankreich ihre Allianz mit den USA hinsichtlich des Gerichtshofs auf und unterstützten schließlich einen unabhängigen IStGH? Die Hypothese der Dissertation lautet, dass die wesentlichen Ursachen für den transatlantischen Konflikt über den IStGH in unterschiedlichen Auffassungen von Kernnormen der internationalen Beziehungen liegen, insbesondere in voneinander abweichenden Interpretationen des Prinzips der Souveränität und des Konzepts der Menschenrechte. / The dissertation provides the first systematic study of the transatlantic conflict about the International Criminal Court (ICC) from an international studies point of view. Although the case of the ICC has often been quoted as an example of increasing US unilateralism or as an indicator for a growing divergence in US-American and European approaches to international law and international organisations, it has been rarely analysed on its own. The book therefore makes a contribution on a pertinent and timely topic in the field of transatlantic relations. It aims to go beyond the rather sketchy classifications of US unilateralism versus European multilateralism by systematically addressing the following questions: What accounts for the US’ unrelenting opposition to the ICC? Why did both France and the United Kingdom abandon the alliance with the US with respect to the ICC and eventually opted for a strong and independent Court, thereby aligning themselves with the other EU member states? The hypothesis of the book is that the main reason for the transatlantic differences in the positions towards the court lies in divergent understandings of core norms of international relations, most importantly sovereignty and human rights.

This thesis investigates how Greek and English 11-year-old students respond to wordless picturebooks. Through the identification of themes in their responses, the study explores the children's engagement while interpreting these books, and also demonstrates how wordless picturebooks can be addressed to and enjoyed by fluent readers. The central tenets of the thesis are described through a socio-cultural perspective of reader response theories. The approach taken places emphasis on the reader's active engagement, for each reader uses visual decoding skills and culturally-oriented knowledge in an effort to resolve the ambiguities of the pictures in a wordless story. The socio-cultural dimension is highlighted throughout this study since the entire process of reading is considered a socio-cultural event. Case studies were conducted, comprising of two groups of four 11-year-old students in England and two groups of the same size in Greece. The data collected includes the children's videoed group discussions, their drawings and their individual short semi-structured interviews. The sessions were verbatim transcribed and analysed drawing on existing frameworks for the analysis of children's discussions on picturebooks, but also incorporating new categories emerged from the data. Based on empirical evidence, this study refines and extends pre-existing research on reader response theories and wordless picturebooks. The main findings indicate that the children's engagement with wordless picturebooks is a dynamic process shaped by four factors: visual decoding, expectations, emotions, and context. The importance of expectations is particularly highlighted, as the children's narrative and cultural expectations were either reinforced or challenged by their reading of the wordless books. This study has implications for teachers, researchers and publishers. It widens the range of readership of wordless picturebooks and increases the purposes of their use, as it reveals their special nature and complexity. Last, this thesis encourages teachers to support students' technical vocabulary on images, and invites schools to integrate wordless picturebooks into their curriculum for older children.

The object of this thesis is to consider the relationship between sovereignty and responsibility and to examine how this relationship has developed over time. There is a conventional story told by many scholars of International Relations which holds that sovereignty has ‘traditionally’ entailed the absence of responsibility and accountability. It has meant that states have a right to govern themselves however they choose, free from outside interference. Only in recent years, the tale goes, have the indefeasible rights that sovereigns have long enjoyed been challenged by notions that sovereigns are responsible and accountable for the protection of their populations. Ideas of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ and ‘the responsibility to protect’ which have emerged since the end of the Cold War are framed as radical departures from the way in which sovereignty has been ‘traditionally’ understood. This thesis challenges this conventional account of the history of sovereignty. It argues that the notion that sovereignty entails responsibilities is not new. Rather, responsibilities have been an enduring feature of the social and historical construction of sovereignty. The thesis demonstrates that sovereignty has been understood to involve varied and evolving responsibilities since it was first articulated in early modern Europe and it traces the historical development of the particular tension between the right of sovereign states to be self-governing and free from outside interference and their responsibility to secure the safety of their populations.

The inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy is typically rationalized as corresponding to the fundamental Canadian value of respect for human rights; however, Canada’s limited appeals to human rights, couched in the rhetoric of values, altruism, and morality, have not produced a substantive policy that adequately considers or sufficiently protects human rights. Although human rights are generally considered subordinate to security, economic, and other national interests, this thesis will argue that these are mutually inclusive concepts that serve to support each other. By examining Canadian engagement in Afghanistan through the theoretical perspective of the English School solidarists, this thesis contends that Canada national interest can be realized through a commitment to a human rights foreign policy, thereby providing concrete justification for the inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. The objective of such an approach is to improve Canada’s ability to protect and promote international human rights, leaving little doubt in the minds of Canadian foreign policy-makers that there is undeniable value in a human rights foreign policy and that such a policy will produce national interest ends.

The inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy is typically rationalized as corresponding to the fundamental Canadian value of respect for human rights; however, Canada’s limited appeals to human rights, couched in the rhetoric of values, altruism, and morality, have not produced a substantive policy that adequately considers or sufficiently protects human rights. Although human rights are generally considered subordinate to security, economic, and other national interests, this thesis will argue that these are mutually inclusive concepts that serve to support each other. By examining Canadian engagement in Afghanistan through the theoretical perspective of the English School solidarists, this thesis contends that Canada national interest can be realized through a commitment to a human rights foreign policy, thereby providing concrete justification for the inclusion of human rights in Canadian foreign policy. The objective of such an approach is to improve Canada’s ability to protect and promote international human rights, leaving little doubt in the minds of Canadian foreign policy-makers that there is undeniable value in a human rights foreign policy and that such a policy will produce national interest ends.

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<p>This thesis discusses the recent change in EU’s immigration policy. EU’s restrictive policies may be changed by the two proposals, COM(2007)637 and COM(2007)638, presented in October 2007. These proposals were formed during a process in which representatives from the African Union (AU) were present in discussions about migration. Using official documents from EU and AU, we study this inter-regional interaction process with the English School theories of “international society” and with a Social Constructivist ontological model describing the relationship between agents, structure and institutions/regimes. We find that the proposal changes the trans-regional migration regime, and by extension the structure and the trans-regional world order. This will probably lead to an increase in the number of African labour immigrants in the EU, which may enlarge the trans-regional “world society” and, in turn, the inter-regional “international society”.</p>

The growth and prevalence of the private military industry has led many to conclude that the state has outsourced one of its core functions: public security. As a global non-state actor, PMSCs pose a risk to state sovereignty by undermining the democratic legitimacy of armed forces and challenging the states international monopoly over force. This study, using the tripartite model in English school theory, refutes this commonly held belief by examining the regulatory methods that have brought PMSCs squarely under state control. This study organizes regulatory efforts in a three level concept of national, international and self-regulatory methods, and based on the increased national regulatory methods, mixed with international norms and weak self-regulation, concludes that states maintain their primacy over violence in world politics.