Si de nombreux travaux soulignent l’existence d’une segmentation de l’offre de crédit aux États-Unis, entre un marché primaire bancaire et un marché secondaire peuplé d’agences allant des payday lenders aux agences de crédit immobilier subprime, peu de recherches s’intéressent à sa mise en place ou à ses origines historiques. Cette thèse propose une telle analyse à partir de l’histoire du crédit non affecté entre 1900 et 1945 : elle étudie tout d’abord le déploiement de systèmes de crédit au début du XXe siècle, permettant aux classes populaires d’emprunter sur la base de leur salaire ou sur la propriété de biens. À partir de deux études de cas sur le Sud et le Midwest, nous proposons une nouvelle conceptualisation de la relation de crédit en soulignant les différentes formes d’encastrement de ce système d’échange ; judiciaire, racial et dans le procès de travail. La thèse analyse ensuite la construction d’une offre légitime de prêt à travers l’étude des « croisades » et des controverses autour des « loan sharks », ces créanciers perçus comme des usuriers parasitaires qui gravitent aux marges du capitalisme industriel. Ce travail de sociologie économique propose un élargissement des études sur les processus de moralisation marchande en mobilisant des outils de l’action publique, des mouvements sociaux et du droit, dans l’optique de comprendre comment la résolution d’un problème public ainsi que les cadres normatifs dans lesquels puise l’action politique peuvent affecter la structure du marché. Ce cadre théorique contribue ainsi à faire le lien entre l’analyse des transactions et des relations marchandes et celle de la construction politique et culturelle du marché. / The segmentation of the American credit market, between a primary banking market and a secondary “fringe” market, characterized by high-rate services offered by agencies ranging from payday lenders to subprime mortgage dealers, is often mentioned, particularly as it would mirror that of the labor market, and yet very few studies are dedicated to understanding its origins. This thesis offers such a perspective through the history small unsecured loans to wage-earners from 1900 until 1945. First, we study the emergence of credit systems at the beginning of the XXth century which enabled lower-class workers to borrow using future wages or small property as collateral. Through two case studies focusing on the South and the Midwest, we set forth a new, intersectional approach to the credit relationship and analyze the forms of embeddedness of these exchanges; judiciary, racial and in the labor process. Second, we analyze the moral and political construction of a legitimate “business”, through the study of the “crusades” and controversies targeting “loan sharks”, a certain class of creditors associated with usurious practices operating on the margin of industrial capitalism. This work in economic sociology contributes to the study of market moralization processes, bringing in insights from the sociology of public action, social movements and law in order to understand how the resolution of a public problem as well as the frames on which political and legal actions dwell can impact the market structure. Our theoretical framework bridges the gap between the sociological study of economic transactions and practices and the political-cultural approach of markets as politics.

Au Mexique, comme en Amérique latine, le cycle contestataire des années 1960-1970 a consacré la figure de « l’étudiant révolutionnaire ». À l’inverse, « l’étudiant en situation révolutionnaire » n’a fait l’objet que de bien peu d’analyses. La Révolution mexicaine, des années 1910 au début des années 1940, vit pourtant l’éclosion d’un puissant mouvement étudiant, organisé et représentatif, inséré dans les relations internationales, semblable en apparence à ses homologues européens ou latino-américains. Toutefois, à la différence de ces derniers, le mouvement étudiant mexicain se conçut et se forma en relation étroite avec un phénomène majeur : la Révolution. Durant cette période, les étudiants s’organisèrent au nom de la Révolution, la critiquèrent, la défendirent et la propagèrent, par leurs voyages, leurs congrès et leurs organisations, au Mexique et dans l’espace ibéro-américain. Ils formulèrent dans le même temps une vision révolutionnaire de la réforme des universités et des écoles, insistant sur l’éducation populaire et sur la politisation des savoirs. Animés par une vision racialiste du monde social, ces étudiants se mobilisèrent aussi au nom de la « race ibéro-américaine », à laquelle la patrie mexicaine appartenait. La révolution fut pour eux autant un phénomène de régénération raciale qu’une expérience politique inspirée de modèles européens parfois contradictoires, tels que le nationalisme, le socialisme, le coopérativisme ou le catholicisme social. La radicalisation de la révolution, durant les années 1930, contribua toutefois à diviser grandement le mouvement étudiant. Son étiolement correspondit à la fin de la Révolution. / In Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism.

This thesis is a study of the ‘race relations’ work of Christians in the sixties in England, with specific reference to a Methodist church in Notting Hill, London. As such, it is also a study of English racisms: how they were fought against and how they were denied and facilitated. Additionally, the thesis pays attention to the interface of ‘religion’ and politics and the radical restatement of Christianity in the sixties. Despite a preponderance of sociological literature on 'race relations' and 'religion' in England, there has been a dearth of historical studies of either area in the post-war period. Therefore, this thesis is an important revision to the existing historiography in that it adds flesh to the bones of the story of post-war Christian involvement in the politics of 'race', and gives further texture and detail to the history of racism, 'race relations', and anti-racist struggles in England. Moreover, the thesis implicitly challenges the received wisdom of the decline of the churches in the sixties and shows an active engagement of Christians with politics. Using a wide range of private and public archives and interviews, the thesis takes a micro-study of the Notting Hill Methodist Church and places it within its wider contexts: how English Christians approached 'race' and 'race relations', what kinds of racialised political engagements existed in Notting Hill, and what kinds of racisms were expressed in England. The contextualised and detailed micro-study has enabled the thesis to capture the texture and depth which is needed to better understand 'race' and 'race relations' in post-war England. In doing so, the thesis sheds detailed light on some active 'civil rights' struggles in England and therefore challenges the received wisdom which views these struggles as being an American rather than an English (or British) story.

This research is a qualitative, heuristic study involving in-depth interviews with eight white, professional heterosexual women in interracial relationships. The women were found through an opportunistic or snowball approach. The participant women were in the age range 25-60. Six were married and two were in long term relationships. All women had children, seven having mixed-race children between 18 months and 23 years of age. Four women had partners of African-Caribbean heritage, three had partners of African heritage and one had a partner of Nepalese heritage. The women shared their reflections on having to confront the realities of racism, coming to terms with their own ambiguous racial position, facing the notion of whiteness and considering their social position as white women. The research was conducted using a heuristic methodology to explore white women's experiences, using creative images and personal reflective and reflexive narratives integrated throughout the text. The research offers insight into how the social experiences of being in an interracial relationship impacts on white women; as individuals, partners and in their role of mother. Implications for themselves as mothers and parenting their children in a racist context are explored and discussed. The findings suggest the women can feel caught between the known (whiteness) and the unknown (blackness). Having crossed a 'socially unaccepted racialised boundary' and challenging explicit dominant social, gendered and racialised beliefs, the women stepped into the unknown involving experiences of changes in status, challenges to assumptions of their maternal competence and living in a world which involved a continuous process of deconstruction and reconstruction of a new, unforeseen racialised identity. The white women moved from being an 'insider' within their own dominant social experiences, to becoming an 'outsider' within another cultural context, sometimes experiencing uncertainty about where they belonged. The white women experienced a shift of reference group orientation, with a new experience of continuous external scrutiny unfolding. These newly encountered social and personal events challenged the white women to review how they previously saw themselves, with this all impacting on their previously taken for granted social status. These experiences impacted at emotional and cognitive levels. As a consequence, the white women often found themselves occupying a liminal or unknown space where a process occurs of attempting to come to terms with the new experiences, new learning and adopting alternative strategies to deal with these different experiences. Implications for counsellors working with white women in interracial relationships are considered and suggestions for therapeutic engagement are made.

This thesis is a theoretically framed and historically informed political analysis of ethnicity in the Bamyan Valley, Afghanistan. Existing literature o ethnicity in Afghanistan is conceptually fragmented and lacks sufficient empirical analysis. To address this, I draw on theoretical literature, the Afghan ethnicity literature, and twelve months of fieldwork (2010-2012) to present a coherent analysis of the emergence and working of ethnicity, and also a much-needed empirical account of ethnicity in the Bamyan Valley. I view ethnicity as relational, interactional and context-dependent. Moreover, to accomodate the intersectional and punctuated nature of identity I perceive ethnicity as operating through ethnic categories. I also adopt a constructionist approach to ethnicity acknowledging that it is (re)-constructed by broad structural forces, the state, political elites and ordinary people. Additionally, I view ethnicity as (re)-constructed through "everyday ethnicity". In this regard, I take ethnicity to be experienced in commonplace social situations in Bamyan Valley. Ethnicity is embodied, performed, expressed in interpersonal interactions; and variably emphasised in different institutional settings. Methodologically, I adopt a critical realist standpoint and utilise an ethnographic method, incorporating a range of qualitative research techniques. My empirical findings demonstrate the differential impacts of post-2001 political reconstruction and socio-economic development in the Bamyan Valley. I explain the acquisition of productive resources by Hazarahs, their improving status, and the corresponding nature of tensions between Hazarahs and Saadat and Tajiks, respectively. Two case studies demonstrate this dynamic, whilst also exemplifying the role of individuals in the (re)-construction of ethnicity. The first illustrates the increasing salience of sectarian identity between Hazarahs and Tajiks, which has emerged since recognition of the Jafari school of Islam in the 2004 Afghan Constitution. The second concerns the use of ethnicity to legitimise, contest and violently enforce unequal marriage arrangements between Saadat and Hazarhs.

This thesis examines the relationship between segregationist organisations, publications and individuals in the United States and their pro-apartheid counterparts in southern Africa. It uncovers a sustained and extensive foreign policy of segregationists that has hitherto been overlooked and a relationship between the countries that goes beyond existing analyses of Cold War cooperation or comparative studies of the countries' racial systems. When the civil rights movement began, steadfast segregationists in the American South looked further afield for support, inspiration and ideological affirmation of their belief in white supremacy. They found this in South Africa and its apartheid policies as well as in other right-wing organisations and individuals outside the American South. Through the archives of segregationist organisations, civil rights organisations, anti-communist groups, individuals, governmental records and newspapers, this thesis charts the journey southern segregationists took from the creation of massive resistance in 1954 – a movement focused on regional problems – to a dramatically less isolationist standpoint one decade later. By 1965, white southern Africa had really captured the imagination of segregationists, alliances had been forged and when massive resistance failed, segregationists did not retreat from their international agenda. Although South Africa was a focal point of segregationists' attention during massive resistance, they also became committed to white rule in Rhodesia after 1965. This thesis examines the groups across America that supported the isolated bastions of white supremacy in southern Africa and demonstrates that the Cold War alliance between U.S. and southern African governments inadvertently helped to maintain and conceal the racism that drove segregationists to form fruitful links in southern Africa. The tangible and ideological links segregationists made abroad internationalised a concept of white supremacy in which race trumped nationality. This global white supremacy has endured and reveals that segregationists were not insignificant reactionaries with a short lived movement but people who affected race relations in the long term.

Le terme de bidonville est réapparu ces dernières années en France dans les discours politiques et médiatiques. Bien qu’utilisé à l'origine pour désigner les lieux d'habitations des populations identifiées comme Roms, ce mot est mobilisé aujourd'hui pour évoquer aussi bien un phénomène lié à la très grande pauvreté que des processus de relégation et d'exclusion. Pourtant, de nombreux travaux en sociologie et en anthropologie ont montré la capacité intégratrice du bidonville, en particulier lorsqu'il facilite la mise en relation des migrants avec leur environnement social. L'objet est donc complexe et une tension interne permanente structure la fonction sociale qu'il joue : il est à la fois piège et à la fois sas.L'évolution du contexte social, économique et politique des dernières décennies demande donc de réinterroger les connaissances acquises durant la période des années 1960-1970, à un moment où la France avait compté jusqu'à 70 000 habitants au sein des bidonvilles. Alors que les raisons expliquant la présence et le maintien des bidonvilles sur le territoire ont évolué, les formes d'intégration qui y sont associées se sont elles aussi transformées. En effet, le modèle « français d'intégration », très homogène et mécanique, s'appuyait jusqu'à récemment sur l'emploi et une assimilation normative ; toutefois, les nouvelles formes de pauvreté et l'affaiblissement des institutions régulatrices telles que la famille, l'école ou l'État ont conduit à des difficultés croissantes pour accueillir les nouveaux arrivants. C'est alors de plus en plus l'État-providence qui a pris en charge ces mécanismes, mais les défaillances sont multiples et elles expliquent en partie la relégation et la marginalisation de certains individus présents sur le territoire français.Dès lors, l'objectif de ce travail est de saisir si les bidonvilles jouent toujours un rôle intégrateur, et si cela est le cas, quelles en sont les différentes modalités. Pour répondre à cette question, la thèse s'appuie sur une ethnographie de deux années menée dans le nord-est de la France auprès d'une douzaine de familles vivant dans un bidonville. À partir de l'analyse des problématiques du quotidien, nous décrirons de quelle manière se mène leur accès à la société française et en quoi leurs conditions de vie peuvent constituer des freins ou des facilitateurs dans ce parcours. Il s'agira en outre de comprendre de la façon dont les habitants stabilisent et donnent une cohérence à leurs trajectoires, en particulier face à un monde urbain mouvant, changeant et fragilisant les modalités de construction du sentiment d'appartenance citoyen / The term slum has reappeared in recent years in France in political and media discourse. Although originally used to designate the places of residence of populations identified as Roma, this word is now used to refer both to a phenomenon linked to very high poverty and to processes of relegation and exclusion. However, many studies in sociology and anthropology have shown the slum's integrative capacity, particularly when it facilitates the connection of migrants with their social environment. The object is therefore complex and a permanent internal tension structures the social function it plays: it is both a trap and an airlock.The changes in the social, economic and political context of recent decades therefore require a reinterpretation of the knowledge acquired during the period 1960-1970, at a time when France had counted up to 70.000 inhabitants in the slums. While the reasons for the presence and maintenance of slums in the territory have changed, the forms of integration associated with them have also changed. Indeed, the "French integration" model, which is very homogeneous and mechanical, was until recently based on employment and normative assimilation; however, new forms of poverty and the weakening of regulatory institutions such as the family, school or the State have led to increasing difficulties in welcoming new arrivals. It was then increasingly the welfare state that took charge of these mechanisms, but there are many failures and they partly explain the relegation and marginalization of some individuals present on French territory.The objective of this work is therefore to understand whether slums still play an integrating role, and if so, what the different modalities are. To answer this question, the thesis is based on a two-year ethnography conducted in northeastern France with a dozen families living in a slum. Based on an analysis of everyday issues, we will describe how their access to French society is managed and how their living conditions can act as obstacles or facilitators in this process. It will also be a question of understanding how the inhabitants stabilize and give coherence to their trajectories, particularly in the face of a changing urban world that is changing and weakening the ways in which the sense of belonging of citizens is constructed

This study explores the risk and resiliency factors for stress within a correctional environment and how correctional staff are impacted personally and professionally by occupational stress. Employing a qualitative research methodology, this research utilized thematic analysis to examine existing literature on stress in corrections. Study findings revealed that high levels of stress impacted the physical health, emotional well-being, family and relationships of correctional staff as well as the quality of service provided to clients. The risk factors for stress were identified as increased workload, lack of resources, time pressures, performance expectations, the culture of the criminal justice system, job experience/training, inadequate management support and dangerous working conditions. The resiliency factors utilized by correctional staff to cope with stress were divided into the themes of colleagues, family, social activities, career changes, training and organizational support and self-preservation. The themes of race, gender and neoliberalism also emerged throughout the literature and a Critical Race Feminism lens was applied to explore how these themes were interconnected with stress within a correctional environment. A deductive analysis of the themes of race, gender and neoliberalism revealed the further complicated nature of occupational stress and how racism, sexism and the infiltration of neoliberal policies contribute as risk factors for stress. / Graduate

Siu, Man Tat. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 51-54). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgement --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii-iii / Table of Contents --- p.iv / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-10 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.11-13 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Data --- p.14-20 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Model --- p.21-30 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Empirical Result --- p.31-43 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Discussion and Conclusion --- p.44-50 / References --- p.51-54 / Figures and Appendix --- p.55-66

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