Denna uppsats syfte är att försöka förstå universitetsstudenters rörelsemönster och val av bostadsort genom att undersöka förhållandet mellan relationen till hemstaden respektive studieorten utifrån teorier om mobilitet och platsanknytning.Metoden som använts är utförande av fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med universitetsstuderande vid Uppsala universitet. De intervjuade har olika bakgrund men har gemensamt att de alla är inflyttade till Uppsala på grund av studier.Resultatet av undersökningen visar att mina informanters tidigare mobilitet och val av bostadsorter kan ses som ett sätt att uttrycka en viss identitet. De har använt olika strategier för att nå de tankar och mål som finns kring framtiden och karriären. Att vara, eller att inte vara mobil i nutid kan kopplas till hur de olika informanternas rörlighet har sett ut tidigare i livet. De sociala relationer som finns på en plats betyder mycket men i den fas i livet som informanterna befinner/befunnit sig i så verkar viljan att se något nytt ha varit stark.

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This study discusses how migrating a legacy system to an object-oriented language works, and what kind of effect it generates. There are various methods that an organization can use when they want to migrate their legacy systems. The three most common procedures we found are reengineering, wrapping and redevelopment. The study will focus on how migration can be done and what the impact might be. Our case study has involved studying a public authority which has mainly used redevelopment when implementing the migration, but they have also used both reengineering and wrapping on certain occasions. In summary, there are many problems that can occur when the system is to be moved away from COBOL to other languages and we will mainly focus on the decisions underlying its implementation, the different ways they can be carried through, and how the problems that can arise are handled during migration. The study showed that the aspects that had a major impact on the choice of method the time and funding. The authorities’ reason for the migration was to have better flexibility and availability which they have succeeded and is now, for example, available around the clock. The redevelopment that the authority has used in our case study does not show that migration makes maintenance costs decrease; rather increase because it added more features and the systems became more complex which resulted in higher expenses. The authorities’ migration project has had big delays and that is a trademark problem with redevelopment. One reason for this is because they are migrating the systems iteratively and migrates parts of systems when there is time and funding. This resulted in a big delay but they have also never failed a project in the aspect that they had to go back to COBOL or abort it. The study thereby shows that a project which uses iterative redevelopment will not work ideally if the work is time- or budget sensitive but the results will be beneficial and will increase mainly functionality and flexibility.

published_or_final_version / abstract / China Development Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / abstract / Economics and Finance / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / abstract / Surgery / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Geography and Geology / Master / Master of Philosophy

The movement of labour from the less developed countries of southern Europe and North Africa to the industrial economiesof northern Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, has led to a migrant populationof some 15 million in these countries. Poduguese labour migration to France has been part of this wider movement, and the Portuguese are one of the largest migrant groups, representing over one fifth of the estimated four millionmigrants in France. Ambivalenceas to the migrants' status and future is considerable on the level of policy, in the literature concerning these labour migrations, and among the migrants themselves: the uncertainty is whether the phenomenonis one of settlement and permanent immigration or of temporary migration and ultimately the return of migrants to their countries of origin. Takingthe case of Portuguese migrants in Grenoble, this thesis explores the intentions of Portuguese migrant workers in France to return to Portugal. In part this may be seen as a prior intention, consistent with the migrants' initial plans to benefit from the employment opportunities and better pay abroad, and to earn as much money as possible in a short time, in order to be able to return to Portugal. I describe precedents for this kindof a return migration in Portugal's extensive emigration history. However, this return orientation in migration cannot be seen only as the continuity of a cultural form, or as occurring in France in an ideological vacuum. The intention to return to Portugal, which implies a limited commitment to France, and a reference to Portuguese conditions and values, is fundamental in the migrants' tolerance of generally disadvantageous conditions, particularly of employment, in France, and thereby an aspect of the migrants' continuing usefulness there. The migrants' differentiation from the French workforce is in some respects beneficial to French society, and the migrants' economic, political and social marginality is reinforced and perpetuated on an ideologicallevel, by ltgislation, and in a variety of ways in evtryday pratice. Cultural differences may be cultivated, and there is an involuntary aspect to the migrants' marginality and the return orientation. For these reasons I have stressed tht broader political and economic forces in labour migration as the context which acts on the migrants and within which they must act. Yet for many migrants, the intention to return to Portugal is more than a passive response to their vulnerable postition in French society or a product of the ideology of the dominant society. While we are dealing with a subjective intention to return rather than actual returns, this is a dynamic element of migrant identity and culture in France, full of tensions but with great symbolic importance as well as far-reaching practical implications for their lives and the nature of their participation in French life. This is particularly the case for many of the older generation of migrants aged between 30-50. Their return orientation is often accompaniedby an adherence to what they see as 'Portuguese' values and culture, the forms and expressions of which I consider; it is also associated with the maintenance of social and economio links with Portugal, distinctive savings and consumption patterns, a steady flow of remittances, and by a perception of migration as temporary even after 20 or more years' residence in France. The return orientation is central among many Portuguese migrants in France, not just as a latent desire, but as a system of meaning and a structuring principle in every day life; plans to return not only justify migration in tht long term, but are a priority which is used to organise and give coherence to the migrants' daily strategies and choices. TM maintenance of an alternative value system, an identity, and options aside from those that conditions in France impose on them, gives the migrants a certain autonomy despite the constraints of their situation

This thesis consists of three essays on the economics of education and migration. The first essay analyzes the effects of remittances on public education spending in migrants’ source countries. The second essay studies the impact of migration on public education expenditures in migrants’ destination countries. The third essay investigates the effects of public education expenditures on subsequent human capital inequality.

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