The level of readiness of police branches (especially police negotiators) for the threat of terrorist attack on the airport in Planá nearby České Budějovice. This thesis is focused on the preparedness of the security forces, especially police negotiators for the possible threat of terrorist attack on the newly constructed international airport in Planá nearby České Budějovice. There are defined the basic concepts and features regarding the terrorism, security forces and crisis negotiations. The goal of my thesis is to find out the level of preparedness of security forces for a possible terrorist attack on the airport in Planá nearby České Budějovice. A part of my work are interviews with twenty policemen, members of the special police team-emergency squad of the Regional Police Directorate of the South-Bohemian Region, six of which are members of the crisis negotiation team.

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

Esta dissertação analisa a Vila Dona Mendes Leonor de Barros, uma vila ferroviária em Osasco, próxima à estação de trem Osasco, localizada em uma área onde há a presença da Operação Urbana Consorciada (OUC) Tietê II que possui entre seus objetivos modificar o uso da Vila, que desde 1954, quando foi fundada, é residencial. A OUC Tietê II, na lei, visa transformar a Vila Dona Leonor em um complexo cultural; todavia na prática do processo a Vila tende a desaparecer, ter suas casas demolidas para a construção de um viaduto. Desse modo, busca-se compreender a lógica da OUC e a maneira como seus planejadores pensam esse espaço e se, possível, confrontar tal representação a partir da perspectiva dos antigos e atuais moradores que vivem na Vila Dona Leonor. Isso permite analisar as condições impostas pela empresa com decorrer do tempo, que afetam diretamente o morar e o viver dos ferroviários. Nesta perspectiva, a pesquisa almeja compreender o processo de produção do espaço em Osasco que determinou sua industrialização e sua urbanização, tendo como foco a Vila Leonor. Além de, a partir de entrevistas com antigos moradores da Vila Dona Leonor, compreender como era o cotidiano da vila e as opressões que ali ocorriam, revelando, o que Henri Lefebvre denominou de maneira geral, uma sociedade terrorista. / This dissertation analyzes the Vila Dona Mendes Leonor de Barros Village, a railway village in Osasco, near the Osasco train station that is located in an area where there is the presence of the Consortium Urban Operation (OUC) Tietê II that has among its objectives to modify the use Of Vila, which since 1954, when it was founded, is residential. OUC Tietê II, in the law, aims to transform Vila Dona Leonor into a cultural complex; However in the practice of the process the village tends to disappear, have their houses demolished for the construction of a viaduct. In this way, it is sought to understand the logic of the OUC and the way its planners think this space and if possible, to confront such representation from the perspective of the old and current residents living in the Dona Leonor Village. This allows analyzing the conditions imposed by the company over time, which directly affect the living and living of the railroad. In this perspective, the research aims to understand the process of production of space in Osasco that determined its industrialization and its urbanization, focusing on Vila Leonor. In addition, from interviews with former residents of Vila Dona Leonor, build a rescue of urban memory, perhaps the only record still possible that one day there was a village railway. In addition, from interviews with former residents of Vila Dona Leonor, understand how was the daily life of the village and the oppressions that occurred there, revealing, what Henri Lefebvre termed in general, a terrorist society.

Denna undersökning syftar till att undersöka hur svensk dags- och kvällspress porträtterar den misstänkte gärningsmannen för terrordådet i Stockholm den 7 april 2017. Vidare ämnar undersökningen granska hur pressens språk stärker stereotypiska uppfattningar, samt belysa eventuella likheter och skillnader i framställningen av den misstänkte gärningsmannen. För denna granskning tillämpas en kvalitativ innehållsanalys på totalt 102 artiklar publicerade under en treveckorsperiod i tidningarna Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet och Expressen. Ur analysresultaten framgår att den misstänkte gärningsmannen skildras övervägande likartat och konsekvent i de fyra tidningarna, med betoning på dennes nationalitet, religion och ideologi. Utifrån det dras slutsatsen att språket i materialet skildrar den misstänkte gärningsmannen stereotypiskt och därigenom ger upphov till en samhällsomfattande reaktionskedja. Denna reaktionskedja inbegriper bland annat hur allmänhetens åsikter påverkas av stereotyper, hur allmänheten bedömer politiska partier och därigenom hur politiska partier väljs och på så sätt kan påverka medier och allmänheten. Reaktionskedjan kan i sin tur även skapa nya stereotypiska skildringar av inte bara terrorister, utan även terrormisstänkta individer.

Magister Legum - LLM

This study focuses on examining the security implications of money laundering and countermeasures, with reference to South Africa. The purpose of this study was to establish the following: <ul> <li> What is the extent, and what are the security implications of money laundering in South Africa;</li> <li> whether the current money laundering countermeasures in South Africa were effectively implemented from 1994 up to the end of 2006;</li> <li> if South Africa could implement better money laundering controls when compared to the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> what the factors were that influenced money laundering in South Africa, compared to the G7/8 countries</li> </ul> This study also examined the validity of the following assumptions: <ul> <li>That there are still shortcomings in the practical application of money laundering countermeasures in South Africa, despite these countermeasures being based on the legislative measures adopted by the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> money laundering promotes crime and corruption in South Africa.</li> </ul> An analysis of the South African anti-money laundering legislation indicated that South Africa had legislatively adopted all of the Financial Action Task Force money laundering recommendations. It was found that despite the strong legislative framework to combat money laundering in South Africa, these efforts were undermined by a lack of capacity; poor coordination that led to a large volume of reports being filed without a corresponding track record of successful prosecutions; and the failure to adopt advances in information technology. This led to a lack of effectively and efficiently translating the anti-money laundering legislation into practice in South Africa. / Dissertation (M(Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

On the particular example of the US new motto of the foreign policy after 9/11 --War on Terror I am trying to refer to the work of the non-profit organization Amnesty International in the field of the international relations. I am pointing out its importance in the decision-making process of the political elites. My intention is to find the correlation between the persuasion of the American population in relation to its leadership or leaders based on the expressed promises in the election campaign. As the object of my work I have chosen the current US President - Barack Obama whose one of his five main promises declared in the campaign was to defeat the terrorism, detain and adequately punish the masterminds of attacks from the September 2001 for the committed crimes. This point comprises the significant change from the approach of his predecessor and so the closure of the Guantanamo military base as a symbol of modern torture and denial of human rights which serves as a detention camp for the suspects of terrorism for more than 14 years now. This was a daring commitment but he gained millions of supporters thanks to it. This option comprised the expectations of sophisticated solutions for tens of substantial issues, including meeting the objective of punishment of the terrorists and establishment of deterrent precedent for any other similar attempts. Obama failed to accomplish it.

The thesis is focused on the terrorism after the attacks of 09/11, which is a key factor in its considering as a one of the most serious security threats in the 21st century. The thesis deals with a perception of the terrorist threat, particularly if it corresponds with reality and what it is influenced by or constructed by. Further the thesis is concerned about "the war on terrorism" as a reaction on the attacks which has become an American national mantra. It is tried to find out if the reaction was adequate in relation with seriousness of the attacks, if it was effective in regard of fulfilling its aims and if it was legitimate in comparison with our values and moral principles.

The project investigated the events that led the United States from September 11, 2001 to the current war in Iraq. The specific time frame examined was the period beginning on September 11, 2001 and ending with the first pre-emptive attacks in Iraq on March 19, 2003.