This practice-led research project examines some of the factors and issues facing artists working in the public domain who wish to engage with the community as audience. Using the methodology of action research, the three major creative projects in this study use art as a socio-political tool with the aim of providing an effective vehicle for broadening awareness, understanding forms of social protest and increasing tolerance for diversity. The three projects: Floodline November 7, 2004, Look in, Look out, and The Urban Terrorist Project, dealt with issues of marginalisation of communities, audiences and graffiti artists respectively. The artist/researcher is outlined as both creator and collaborator in the work. Processes included ephemeral elements, such as temporary installation and performance, as well as interactive elements that encouraged direct audience involvement as part of the work. In addition to the roles of creator and collaborator, both of which included audience as well as artist, the presence of an outside entity was evident. Whether local, legal authorities or prevailing attitudes, outside entities had an unavoidable impact on the processes and outcomes of the work. Each project elicited a range of responses from their respective audiences; however, the overarching concept of reciprocity was seen to be the crucial factor in conception, artistic methods and outcomes.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-149).

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) - Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Kamu Yönetimi Anabilim Dalı, 2007. / Kaynakça var.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 274-280). Also available on the Internet.

<p>The aim with this study is to achieve an increased understanding and knowledge about terrorist groups. The factors that the study come to be focused around is the groups' objectives, their organization, which enemies they have and with which means that they use for there terrorism. In order to respond to this aim the four different terrorist groups, Colombian revolutionary armed forces (FARC), Baskien - our native country and our freedom (ETA), red Army fraction (RAF) and al Qaida is studied.</p><p>To achieve the aim of this study the methods qualitative text analysis and comparative method is being used. It is designed also within the framework of this study a categorization model that is used as method in order to do a division of the studied groups based on their objective, enemies, organization and means. The model is also constructed to be used in order to analyze others terrorist groups than these current groups.</p><p>The result of the study is presented in the categorization model on page 32 in the essay.</p>

Scholars have extensively detailed China’s conflation of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang with the international war on terror following September 11, 2001. Less studied is how the U.S. responded to China’s framing of the Uyghur as terrorists, and of the Chinese government’s characterization of Xinjiang as a region fraught with violence and extremism. On the whole, scholars who have addressed this latter issue conclude that China successfully coopted the U.S., and consequently cracked down on Xinjiang without substantial international outrage. On the basis of a review of official U.S. documents before and after 9/11, I argue that the U.S. response to China’s framing of the Uyghur is not as clear-cut, and that multiple and conflicting U.S. responses emerged to the Uyghur-terrorist discourse. Specifically, the U.S. shifted from purely framing the Uyghur as victims of human rights abuses to projecting three new frames onto the Uyghur: victims of the war on terror; a minority group that may resort to violent methods of protest; and suspected terrorists. This new interpretation holds important ramifications for how scholars should understand China’s treatment of the Uyghur, as well as for Sino-U.S. relations.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / The media plays a fundamental role in shaping societies’ opinions about topical issues. Most human beings depend upon either the print media (newspapers/magazines), television or radio as their sources of news. The advent of the internet since the 1990s revolutionised the media world and created an immediacy on the impact of news like no other previous medium could provide, as it had a combination of audio and visual material. The most effective demonstration of such immediacy would be that of the impact of the September 11 attacks in the USA in 2001. The aftermath of the media’s impact still resonates throughout the world today, especially its impact on those who follow the Islamic faith. This paper aims to explore the impact of the media on this newly derived concept of Islamophobia, especially post 9/11. It includes a case study of the Islamophobic Danish cartoon controversy that occurred in February 2006. This paper discusses the concept of Islamophobia and anti-Islamism, as well as how the events of 9/11 and its media coverage contributed towards the worsening of this sentiment across the globe. The conclusion reached is that instead of the media acting as a mediator between Western society and the global Muslim community and creating an atmosphere of each understanding the other, it acted negatively against Islam, the world’s fastest growing religion.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 2001 constituted a singular media event. On the front pages of America's newspapers and in its pre-eminent news magazines unfolded, in the immediate wake of the blitz, a portrayal that uncontroversially legitimised claims to American innocence, fomented moral certitude through parallels with previous wars and anticipated retaliation that would soon enough engulf Afghanistan. Showing, first, that accounts of reality are always social constructions, the "framing" of September 11 in America's press will be evaluated with reference to 122 newspaper front pages, most from September 12, some from the day of the attacks, and two American news magazines. The emergence of a discourse of war will be considered, as well as the perpetuation within and without of the press of dominant views on America's role in the conflict. The extent to which this "popular frame" selectively excluded inconvenient truths is illustrated in critiques of john Pilger and Noam Chomsky, and an assessment of the politics of defining "terror". The analysis is placed within the normative framework of orthodox joumalism ethics, particularly the values of impartiality and objectivity, concluding that, in democracy, a responsible media better serves the public interest through sustained criticism than compliant patriotism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvalle op New York en Washington op 11 September 2001 was 'n uitsonderlike mediagebeurtenis. Direk daarna het 'n uitbeelding op die voorblaaie van Amerika se koerante en in twee voorste nuustydskrifte ontvou wat aansprake op Amerikaanse onskuld sonder omhaal sou legitimeer, parallelle met vorige oorloë in die diens van morele daadkragtigheid sou oproep, en wraakaanvalle sou antisipeer wat kort daarna in Afghanistan sou woed. Met as vertrekpunt die argument dat enige weergawe van realiteit 'n sosiale konstruksie is, word die uitbeelding ("framing") van die aanvalle in die Amerikaanse pers op 122 koerantvoorblaaie, hoofsaaklik van 12 September maar insluitend enkeles van die aanvalsdag self, en in twee Amerikaanse nuustydskrifte hier geevalueer. Die ontluiking van 'n oorlogsdiskoers word bekyk, asook die voortsetting binne en buite die media van heersende sienings oor Amerika se rol in die konflik. Die mate waarin hierdie "populêre omraming" ("framing") ongemaklike waarhede selektief uitgesluit het, word aangetoon in critiques van John Pilger en Noam Chomsky, en 'n oorweging van die politiek agter 'n definisie van "terreur". Die analise voltrek in die normatiewe raamwerk van joernalistieke etiek, veral die waardes van onpartydigheid en objektiviteit, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, in demokrasie, 'n verantwoordelike media die openbare belang beter dien deur volgehou kritiek as deur onderdanige patriotisme.

Cette thèse oppose les libertés et droits fondamentaux et l’avant-procès-pénal antiterroriste, son champ d'étude se limite à deux pays, la France et les Émirats. Cette comparaison a montré que ces deux législations choisies se ressemblent, ou plutôt qu'elles sont en voie de se ressembler quant à la procédure pénale de l'avant procès stricto sensu, mais qu'elles diffèrent sur le respect des droits de la personne faisant l'objet de ce procès. La ressemblance ne signifie pas, pour autant, qu'elles soient identiques, la France avait mis en place une justice dérogatoire en matière de terrorisme, alors que les Émirats ont préféré le choix de l'exception et ont également mis en place une justice spécialisée. En d'autres termes, il s'agit d'une compétence spécialisée, voire spéciale, qui a pour intérêt de centraliser et juger, non seulement ce qui se passe au sein du territoire national mais aussi dans l'ensemble de la planète, évoquant la question de la justice universelle en matière du terrorisme. De plus, les deux législations étudiées permettent à d'autres acteurs du champ non pénal d'interférer dans le cadre de l'avant jugement antiterroriste, notamment les acteurs militaires, les agents du renseignement et de sécurité privée, les unités de coordination, les diplomates et, les Émirats ajoutent les robots comme acteurs contribuant à la prévention du terrorisme. Cette ressemblance concerne aussi les mesures de contrainte pénale : les moyens de recherche de preuves et de privation/restriction de liberté d'aller et venir qui revêtent de caractère dérogatoire, voire l'exceptionnel. Cependant, ces ressemblances entre ces deux législations sont trompeuses, car au fond, elles se différencient quant au degré de respect des droits des personnes faisant l'objet de cette justice de l'antiterrorisme, notamment lorsque les Émirats bafouent l'ensemble des droits de la défense et les droits de faire l'objet d'un contrôle judiciaire, avant, pendant et après les mesures coercitives. / This thesis compares the fundamental rights and freedoms, and preliminary phase of the terrorist criminal procedure ; its focus is limited to two countries : France and the United Arab Emirates. This comparison shows that these chosen bodies of legislation are similar but that they differ when it comes to the respect of the rights of the person subject to these kind of law cases. The similarities do not mean, however, that the two systems are identical ; France has implemented a use of special dispensation in cases relating to terrorism, while the UAE has opted for a justice system which is both exceptional and specialized. In addition, the two jurisdictions allow other actors to intervene in this criminal field, including military actors, intelligence agencies and private security agents, diplomats, and the Emirates have added robots to the list of actors contributing to the prevention of terrorism. This similarity also concerns measures relating to criminal procedure : means of searching for evidence and restricting the suspect's freedom of movement. Concerning the first set of coercive measures, these are very sophisticated and detrimental to individual freedom, erasing the distinction between investigation and inquiryb ; and between preventive and repressive investigations. Regarding the deprivation of freedom of movement, French lawmakers have settled for setting up exemptions in terms of police custody and pre­trial detention, whereas Emirati lawmakers have created new and exceptional measures for removing certain rights : security detention and placement in rehabilitation centers. However, these similarities between these two sets of legislation are misleading, since essentially, they differ only in how far they respect the rights of those subject to the anti-terrorist regime. This is especially apparent in cases where the Emirates violates all rights to a defense and the right to judicial review before, during and after measures within the criminal procedure.

This dissertation argues for the hope that is found in G. C. Berkouwer’s doctrines of providence and bodily resurrection in relation to the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001, and the rising pervasiveness of the doctrine of hyperpreterism among American Reformed circles. In Part I of the dissertation, Berkouwer’s doctrine of providence is explained and then evaluated and applied. By way of explanation and exposition, Berkouwer’s knowledge of providence is examined, along with his theology of providence in sustenance and government, in relation to miracles, and the dilemma of the existence of God and evil. Following that is an evaluation and application of the doctrine to the 9/11 terrorist attack on America. In Part II, a theological/doctrinal study is undertaken concerning the doctrine of resurrection. Hyper-preterism is examined, along with its leading proponents, and placed into interaction with Berkouwer’s views of the doctrine of the physical resurrection of the body at the eschaton. / Theology / M.Th. (Philosophy & Systematic Theology)