This thesis explores the Danish labor movement’s use of Twitter during the collective bargaining in spring 2018 from a mobilisation perspective. This is done to investigate 1) the form of contentious politics practiced by the Danish labor movement, and 2) the role of trade unions in the Danish labor movement. One specific hashtag, #ok18, is analyzed. This investigation mainly builds on framing theory as developed by Snow & Benford (1986; 2000) and its connection to the logic of collective action, and the logic of connective action developed by Bennet & Segerberg (2013). Three methods were used to analyze the labor movement on Twitter: a social network analysis of @mentions, semantic network analyses of Twitter streams, and a quantitative content analysis. This study finds that the most important and central actors within the labor movement on Twitter are trade unions. Nothing indicates that Danish public employees used Twitter to organize independently of trade unions. Furthermore, the labor movement used Twitter to articulate collective action frames that served as shared “schemata of interpretation” for the collective bargaining. In addition, several framing processes that changed the collective action frames were identified. These results all indicate that the labor movement’s mobilisation on Twitter during the collective bargaining of 2018 is best described by the logic of collective action. There were no indications of personalization of politics or of an increased symbolical inclusiveness. The successful mobilisation in Spring 2018 might therefore be interpreted, with the big proviso that that this study only investigates Twitter, as the first small steps towards a revitalization of conventional trade union politics in Denmark.

Dans des contextes institutionnels complexes, la mise en oeuvre d'innovations nécessite la collaboration d'une grande variété d'acteurs. Cette recherche propose d'enrichir la notion émergente et très peu conceptualisée d'entrepreneuriat institutionnel collectif. Guidés par des ouvrages et des articles de référence, elle enrichit la grille de lecture de l'entrepreneuriat institutionnel en la transposant dans un contexte d'action collective, grâce aux notions de leadership pluriel et d'équipe de travail. Elle porte ainsi un regard sur les micros dynamiques de l'action entrepreneuriale, en ce qu'elles relèvent d'un caractère structuré et organisé, impliquant l'action de plusieurs individus agissant sous l'égide d'une seule entité, le collectif. Le terrain de la recherche a consisté en une recherche-action menée auprès d'un dispositif collectif (EPSP, Espace Partagé de Santé Publique) qui prône une approche novatrice en termes de nouvelle santé publique depuis sa création en 2007 dans le sud de la France. Les éléments relatifs à la structure de l'action entrepreneuriale permettent de saisir les différents aspects de la collaboration d'un ensemble d'acteurs. Le collectif, mêlant l'hétérogénéité des compétences et permettant la distribution des rôles sur différents niveaux de structuration, constitue une plateforme d'échanges et de mise en commun de tout un ensemble de ressources, partagées dans un effort collaboratif. Le pilotage de l'action entrepreneuriale s'opère à différents niveaux de structuration dévoilant notamment l'émergence de leaders (formels et informels), une vision commune travaillée et partagée favorisant l'accès aux ressources rares réparties dans le champ. / In complex fields, change requires cooperation from numerous dispersed actors with divergent interests. Guided by reference works and articles, we draw on complementary insights from institutional and plural leadership in team theories to enrich the emerging notion of Collective Institutional Entrepreneurship. In this sense, this work focuses on the micro mechanisms by which actors engage collectively in entrepreneurial actions and highlights the structural and organized character involving the action of many individuals acting under the same entity: the "Collective". Our research is based on a case study called the "Espace Partagé de Santé Publique", which has been established in 2005 to favor social innovations targeting disabled individuals. Collective Institutional Entrepreneurship takes many forms varying from the institutional work in witch actors are involved. It shows how collective institutional entrepreneurship relies on shared competencies and on the sharing of multiple resources derived from a diversity of actors working in a collaborative effort. This case study shows how experiments such as EPSP are conducive to the emergence of Collective Institutional Entrepreneurship involved in the design and implementation of a social innovation. The platform provides a large set of various resources, and institutional entrepreneurs can use its to establish a social innovation project. Regarding the structure and dynamics of Collective Institutional Entrepreneurship, the main results of this study invite future investigations to consider the richness of collective dynamics to apprehend complex institutional changes.

Die explorative Studie nutzt qualitative Interviews mit einfachen Bürgern um das Problem der allgegenwärtigen und anhaltenden Alltagskorruption in post-sowjetischen Staaten zu analysieren. Es wird zum einen nach den zugrunde liegenden Einstellungen, Werten und Erwartungen der Klienten gefragt, die diese korrupt handeln lassen, zum anderen wird der Einfluss dieser alltäglichen informellen Praktiken auf Entwicklung und Qualität von demokratischen Institutionen in post-sowjetischen Staaten untersucht. Die Ergebnisse des ersten Teils legen nahe, dass sich der größte Einfluss auf die Bereitschaft zu korruptem Handeln aus der Kombination der Effekte aus sowjetischem Erbe und rationalem Verhalten, das die Situation als ein Problem kollektiven Handelns interpretiert, ergibt. Bezüglich der Frage nach der Wirkung von informellen Praktiken und mit ihnen einhergehenden sowjetischen Einstellungen auf die Entwicklung von funktionierenden demokratischen Institutionen zeigt die Studie eine Reihe von problematischen Aspekten auf: Zuvorderst den Vorzug von individuellen vor kollektiven Lösungen sowie den anhaltenden Effekt von informellen Netzwerken, kombiniert mit einer tiefen Abneigung gegenüber dem Staat und einem schwachen Gefühl der eigenen Wirksamkeit. Zusammengenommen bilden diese ein schwerwiegendes Hindernis für politische Partizipation und die Entwicklung eines gesellschaftlichen Gemeinschaftsgefühls. Entgegen der gängigen Forschungs-meinung hat diese Studie also gezeigt, dass bestimmte Formen von Korruption, genauer der besondere Typ der post-sowjetischen informellen Transaktionen, einen negativen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung demokratischer Institutionen haben und die Wirkungsrichtung zwischen Demokratie und Korruption nicht allein von schwachen demokratischen Institutionen zu mehr Korruption zeigt. / The explorative study uses qualitative interviews with ordinary citizens to examine the problem of pervasiveness and persistence of administrative corruption in the Soviet successor states. It analyses the problem on two levels, taking an interest in the underlying attitudes, values and expectations of why clients engage in corrupt transactions, and asking about the influence of these low-level informal practices on the development and quality of democratic institutions in post-soviet states. Regarding the former, the analysis established the combined effect of Soviet legacy and rational behaviour interpreting the situation as a problem of collective action. These two are the main drivers influencing the readiness for corrupt transactions. They mutually reinforce each other and the highest propensity to act corruptly is found when these two aspects coincide. The answer to the question whether the lasting impact of informal practices and Soviet attitudinal patterns going along with them conflicts with the development of well-functioning, democratic institutions was clearly affirmative. The study showed that it is particularly a preference of individual over collective solutions and the continued effect of persisting informal networks combined with a deep disregard of the state and a low feeling of agency that pose serious obstacles to the quality of political participation and to the sense of community on the societal level. Contrary to the common argument the study has therefore established that the causality in the nexus between democracy and corruption is not a one-way road leading from weak democratic institutions to higher levels of corruption, but that certain forms of corruption, more precisely the specific type of post-soviet informality, have a negative impact on the development of democratic institutions making causality follow a bidirectional path and constituting a vicious circle of informality.

This study addresses the problem of explaining the emergence and viability of coalitions among shareholder activists. The formation of coalitions for purposes of shareholder activism is generally unexpected from a theoretical perspective. Potential shareholder activists typically rely on the exit mechanism rather than becoming actively involved in the governance of corporations, and they tend to be in a prisoner’s dilemma type of situation, which has a non-co-operative outcome. Moreover, unless co-operation can be expected from others, no individual shareholder will make costly contributions to a coalition. Still, minority shareholder coalitions exist. The purpose of this study is to develop a model that accounts for the emergence and viability of minority shareholder coalitions. Two ideal-typical minority shareholder coalitions are developed: the offensive minority shareholder coalition, and the defensive minority shareholder coalition. These are based primarily on contractual theory (transaction cost economics, agency theory and property rights theory) and take form under the assumption that economic ends alone motivate actors. The offensive minority shareholder coalition emerges to seize an opportunity to increase share price by means of voice; it is led by a coalitional entrepreneur who carries all costs, thereby inducing co-operation from passive shareholders. The defensive minority shareholder coalition emerges to safeguard the members’ investments from risks of expropriation, which arise from increasing costs of using the exit mechanism; it is characterised by widespread active participation, since free riding further increases the risk of being expropriated. The model integrates the ideal types with results from three case studies of minority shareholder coalitions. These case studies show that under certain conditions, coalition members act as if they consider the effects of their actions on their reputation within networks of shareholders; this has implications for a coalition’s emergence and viability. The case studies further show that controlling shareholders, under certain circumstances, will tend to act as if they consider the effects of their actions on their public image as perceived by relevant (present or future) stakeholders; this places a shareholder coalition in a different bargaining position.

Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.

On March 29, 2017, after ten years with a Presidential moratorium on metallic mining in the country, the Salvadoran legislature voted to permanently ban the practice. Based on semi-structured interviews with activists, academics, and journalists, this study builds on the literature explores the contributions of the Salvadoran diaspora in Canada to the passage of the moratorium, and ultimately the ban. I discuss numerous types of contributions: coalition building involving various allies, communication and education initiatives, taking a position as members of the diaspora, and engagements with politicians in both Canada and El Salvador. I provide further context to the case by discussing both contextual elements and mobilization strategies relating to the mining justice movement in El Salvador, contextual elements that help make sense of the engagements of the Salvadoran diaspora in Canada in the movement, and challenges Salvadoran Canadians encountered while engaging in the movement. I conduct my analysis in three parts. The first outlines contributions to the transnationalism literature, the second details the results of a discourse analysis of my interview transcripts, and the third sketches contributions to the framing literature.

No cenário da pesca artesanal nacional, a garantia de acesso aos territórios pesqueiros e a construção de cadeias produtivas que valorizem ao mesmo tempo o pescado e o pescador são condições que podem ser atingidas através da organização cooperativa da produção e das comunidades. O presente trabalho se pautou nas abordagens teórico-metodológicas da ação coletiva e da gestão compartilhada dos recursos de uso comum para analisar a trajetória de duas cooperativas em comunidades tradicionais pesqueiras no Brasil: a Cooperativa dos Pescadores Artesanais de Carutapera, no litoral das reentrâncias no Maranhão, e a Cooperativa dos Produtores de Ostra de Cananéia, no litoral sul de São Paulo. Foram realizados os seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: revisão bibliográfica, levantamento de dados secundários, observação direta dos fatos e fenômenos, contato com atores chave para fornecer dados e análise contextual dos estudos de caso. Os territórios onde se encontram cada uma das cooperativas foram descritos de acordo com os aspectos demográficos, sociais, econômicos e ambientais, servindo como ponto de partida para a compreensão do estado atual das áreas de estudo. As trajetórias das ações coletivas que levaram à criação das cooperativas foram sistematizadas em uma perspectiva histórica, separadas por fases e elencados os principais acontecimentos que contribuíram para o desenvolvimento do cooperativismo local. A análise desses dados permitiu inferir quais foram as dinâmicas chave na promoção da ação conjunta e coordenada entre os indivíduos. As cadeias produtivas locais foram descritas e as relações sociais de produção que regem os aspectos de mercado nessas cooperativas foram identificadas, assim como as bases de conhecimento tradicionais e ecológicos em que ocorre a produção nos sistemas pesqueiros. Por fim, descreveram-se as áreas de uso comum utilizadas pela pesca e maricultura artesanal e o funcionamento dos regimes de propriedade empregados na gestão desses territórios. A realização dessa pesquisa possibilitou a contraposição entre os dados de ambos estudos de casos em uma perspectiva de identificação de padrões semelhantes e divergentes entre as cooperativas estudadas. As principais contribuições foram no sentido de que é preciso atentar-se ao contexto que impulsiona o empreendimento das ações coletivas que almejam melhores condições de vida para as comunidades, buscando identificar as lideranças em potencial, os motivos que fazem com que as pessoas cooperem entre si e os mecanismos que mantêm a confiança entre os indivíduos, que por sua vez leva à retroalimentação desse ciclo solidário tecido nos atributos socioecológicos e em valores como a reciprocidade. / In the context of the Brazilian artisanal fishery, the assurance of access to fishing territories and the development of value chains that consider both fish and fisherman are conditions that can be achieved through cooperative organization of production and communities. This work is based on the theoretical-methodological approaches of the collective actions and the shared management of common-use resources, especially marine resources. That background was used to analyze the historical trajectory of two cooperatives in traditional fishing communities in Brazil: the Cooperative of Artisanal Fishermen of Carutapera, in the indentation of the coastline in Maranhão State, and the Cooperative of Oyster Producers of Cananeia, in the South coastline of São Paulo State. The following methodological proceedings were carried: literature review, secondary data collection, direct observation of facts and phenomena, contact with stakeholders for the provision of data and analysis of the study cases context. The territories where each cooperative are located were described according to demographical, social, economical and environmental aspects, as a starter for the understanding of the current state of the study areas. The trajectory of the collective action that had led to the creation of the cooperatives were organized in a historical perspective, separated by phases, and it was listed/organized according by the main events that had contributed to the development of local cooperatives. The analysis of the data allowed the inference of what were the facts and key phenomena in promoting of the joint and coordinated action among individuals. The local value chain was described, and the social relations of production that deal with the market aspects in these cooperatives, were also identified as well as the traditional and ecological knowledge in what had occurred the production in the fishery systems. Finally, it was described the common areas used for fishing and artisanal mariculture, and how the property regimes employed works in the management of these territories. The realization of this research allowed the opposition between the data from both case studies in an identification prospect of similar and divergent patterns between the studied cooperatives. The main contributions were to the effect that it is necessary to pay attention to the context that drives the development of collective actions. When aimed to better living conditions for the communities, it needs to identify potential leaders, the reasons that make people cooperate with each other and the mechanisms that maintain trust between individuals, which in turn leads to feedback that solidarity cycle fabric on values such as reciprocity.

Complex social problems are at the forefront of our awareness. We are witnessing intensifying political, social and environmental challenges and waning confidence in our ability to engineer solutions. We are also seeing a proliferation of large scale, multi-agency interventions that seek change at the level of systems, and through which actors pursue adaptive learning as a means to develop effective solutions. Proponents assert that the prediction and control on which conventional program design and evaluation are based are not available under complex conditions. They propose instead that learning through experience in a program’s own context can create more responsive, impactful and sustainable interventions. These ideas offer a potentially transformative opportunity. However, they need to be complemented with a better understanding of implementation - the ‘ways of doing things’ that bring them to life. This study focused on developmental evaluation as an example of an adaptive learning (AL) approach for the development of innovative social interventions. The study was informed by ‘sensemaking’ theories and research in organizational learning, knowledge mobilization and program evaluation. Through an exploratory lens and a mixed methods design, this study sheds light on the role of specialized intermediaries in an AL process; how the role is performed in practice; and what this implies for adaptive learning in the domain of social interventions. The study documents how an intermediary can help actors navigate recognized challenges of developing interventions under complex and dynamic conditions. The findings have implications for how an AL process is understood and implemented. They provide an empirical contribution to an emerging field of study on the design of AL systems, to support future research and real-world practice as AL approaches become mainstream.

Thesis advisor: Margaret Lombe / Thesis advisor: Alfonso Hernandez / Drug-related violence in Mexico has grown into a profound social problem, aggravating existing insecurity, vulnerability, and citizen’s wellbeing. In critical scenarios of this kind, the virtues of social engagement for enhanced wellbeing, improved security and true democracy appear futile. This research examines how resources and incentives for mobilization operate. Specifically, social capital and political culture are studied as mechanisms that may affect those relationships. This research draws upon theories of Collective Action and Social Capital Theory. Also used are studies on the influence of emotions and perceptions on citizen’s collective mobilization. This approach contributes by accounting for informal participation and their various political loadings in conflict environments. To achieve the objective, Regression Analysis and Structural Equation Modelling were conducted. The study uses secondary data collected in 2011 (N = 7,416) using a probabilistic sample design representative of seven Mexican states selected by their levels of violence. Two subsamples were constructed to examine the varying effects of social and political resources on mobilization across regions (north and south). Results show the emotional component associated with citizen’s mobilization for collective action. The findings also exhibit social capital and political culture as key indicators of people’s decision to organize for social change. Finally, intriguing results related to the “negative form” of social capital were observed. To be precise, social capital appears to be insufficient to explain citizens' motives to mobilize with others for social change. Implications for policy and scholarship are presented. Specifically, initiatives regarding the importance of the effects of the weakened democratic environment, social lack of trust, government unresponsiveness and impunity, and self-directed processes of justice at the community level are highlighted. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Social Work. / Discipline: Social Work.

Our paper focuses on a non-standard sharing example that harbors the potential to disrupt received wisdom on the sharing economy. While originally entering the field to analyze, broadly from a governance perspective, how the 2015 refugee crisis was handled in Vienna, Austria, we found that the non-governmental organization Train of Hope - labeled as a "citizen start-up" by City of Vienna officials - played an outstanding role in mastering the crisis. In a blog post during his visit in Vienna at the time, and experiencing the refugee crisis first-hand, it was actually Henry Mintzberg who suggested reading the phenomenon as part of the "sharing economy". Continuing this innovative line of thought, we argue that our unusual case is in fact an excellent opportunity to discover important aspects about both the nature and organization of sharing. First, we uncover an additional dimension of sharing beyond the material sharing of resources (i.e., the economic dimension): the sharing of a distinct concern (i.e., the moral dimension of sharing). Our discovery exemplifies such a moral dimension that is rather different from the status quo materialistic treatments focusing on economic transactions and property rights arguments. Second, we hold that a particular form of organizing facilitates the sharing economy: the sharing economy organization. This particular organizational form is distinctive - at the same time selectively borrowing and skillfully combining features from platform organizations (e.g., use of technology as an intermediary for exchange and effective coordination, ability to tap into external resources) and social movements (e.g., mobilization, shared identity, collective action). It is a key quality of this form of organization to enable the balancing of the two dimensions inherent in the nature of sharing: economic and moral. Our paper contributes to this Special Issue of the Academy of Management Discoveries by highlighting and explaining the two-fold economic and moral nature of sharing and the organization of sharing between movement and platform.