This dissertation provides a comparative and connected political history of taxation and inequality in the French colonial empire between 1900 and the 1950s. It explores the archives of the French metropolitan state and of various French colonial states in North Africa, Southeast Asia and West Africa, parliamentary debates, the writings and personal papers of colonial officials and theorists, the publications of imperial watchdog organizations, settler, reformist, and anticolonial press outlets as well as literary production in order to probe the ways in which colonial tax regimes were established, debated, resisted and transformed. This political history of colonial taxation thus follows two complementary analytical strategies: it describes the workings of imperial fiscal power and it captures a sense of political possibility.The imperative to preserve the precarious and highly unequal fiscal bargain of fin-de-siècle metropolitan France led to the transfer of the tax burden of empire onto colonized populations. This dissertation argues that this turn to colonial “financial autonomy” in 1900 spawned decades of endemic austerity in the empire, setting the tone for future debates about the legitimacy of taxation and tax fairness in the French imperial state. It also recovers the violence of colonial fiscal seizures and examines the performative role of racial constructions and colonial knowledge in the concrete deployment and justification of French colonial fiscal power. This dissertation ultimately seeks to destabilize the category of “colonial taxation” and argues that at least until the First World War, colonized populations mostly perceived French taxation as the “price of defeat” rather than any sort of legitimate contribution to the common good. Furthermore, the imposition of direct and indirect taxes was often a highly violent endeavor. Early political activists sometimes sought to advance their own vision of fair taxation but they were firmly stonewalled by colonial authorities. Colonial fiscal power only “normalized” overtime. New potentialities arose after the conflict. The war reconfigured the world order and opened the way for a renovated politics of colonial taxation both in France and in the empire. Fiscal inequities became increasingly politicized, especially as reliance on private investment effectively gave greater bargaining power to European settlers and firms operating in the empire. French colonial authorities responded by brandishing the virtues of corporatism and this re-organized but did not curtail the influence of economic elites on the making of tax policies. Fiscal modernization was timidly debated in various colonies in the 1920s and 1930s and income taxes were sometimes implemented. Yet colonial solutions to the “problem” of colonial fiscal inequities (repression, the doling out a modicum of “representation”, corporatist anti-politics) faced significant backlash as the economic upheavals of the Great Depression began to kick in. The synchronous and empire-wide tax revolts of the 1930s considerably raised the stakes of tax politics as tax resistance became a prime tool for early nationalist groups eager to enter colonial public spheres on their own terms. Despite reformist efforts, WWII and the postwar period saw the continuity of this system of imperial fiscal exception exemplified for instance by the tax avoidance practices of colonial firms who used the empire as a tax shelter.

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Peu de personnes se rappellent de la présence de la France en Inde. Quelques parties de l’Inde sont restées françaises jusqu’en 1954. À cette date, l’Inde française, consistant de quatre petits établissements (Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal et Mahé), était en pleine décadence et éclipsée par d’autres colonies françaises, plus grandes, plus lucratives et plus importantes pour la Métropole. L’Indochine et l’Algérie ne sont que deux exemples. Toutefois, les Français n’étaient pas disposés à abandonner leurs possessions en Inde sans résistance. Le présent mémoire cherche à expliquer la valeur des possessions françaises en Inde et les raisons de la fin de la tutelle française. Le titre du mémoire indique qu’un certain changement a eu lieu dans la politique française vis-à-vis de ses possessions en Inde. L’étude commence par un résumé de la situation politique et économique de l’Inde française depuis la fin de la dernière occupation anglaise en 1814 jusqu’à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale. L’année 1920 est choisie comme point de départ de la période visée par le mémoire. Portant sur les années 1920, le premier chapitre examine l’hégémonie du parti Gaebelé qui a eu toutes les caractéristiques d’une dictature. Indifférentes à la vie politique de l’Inde française, les autorités métropolitaines étaient surtout attirées par le commerce que la colonie offrait dans la production de tissus et l’exportation d’arachides. Après la chute du parti Gaebelé, l’Inde française a été plongée dans une longue période d’agitation, un thème clé du deuxième chapitre sur les années 1930. Inconscientes de la réalité politique, les autorités métropolitaines ont toujours accordé la priorité au commerce. Durant les années 1940, l’Inde française n’a jamais arrêté de se rapprocher de l’Inde britannique. Ce rapprochement a aussi persisté lorsque l’Inde britannique est devenue l’Union indienne en 1947. Soudainement, les Français ont senti le besoin de réaffirmer leur position d’autorité en Inde française. Le commerce est passé au second plan au profit d’une série de réformes politiques. Toutefois, ce brusque changement de politique fut trop tardif. Le quatrième chapitre, centré surtout sur la période de 1950 à 1954 et vu à travers l’exemple d’Édouard Goubert, a souligné la méconnaissance des autorités métropolitaines des réalités qui confrontaient l’Inde française. Lorsque Goubert a cessé de servir comme porte-parole et principal allié du gouvernement français en Inde, les possessions françaises en Inde furent rattachées une par une à l’Union indienne. Rétrospectivement, les faits économiques, vitaux pour le début du mémoire, sont quasiment absents de deux derniers chapitres. Se retrouvant face à la menace de perdre leurs possessions en Inde, les Français ont compris que l’Inde française était précieuse pour des raisons autres que le commerce. Un accent particulier fut mis pour souligner ces avantages culturels et politiques. De petite taille, les possessions françaises étaient importantes pour l’ordre et la stabilité dans les autres colonies de l’Empire. Parallèlement, elles représentaient des points d’appui pour l’expansion de la culture française dans l’immense sous-continent indien. / Few people today can relate to the presence of the French in India. That said, a few cities in India remained under the control of the French until 1954. By then, French India, consisting of four cities (Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal) had reached its irrevocable point of decline, overshadowed by other French colonies that were larger, more lucrative and more important to France. Indochina and Algeria are but two examples. Even so, it must be stated that the French were reluctant to abandon their possessions in India without any resistance. This particular thesis seeks to explain the value of the French possessions in India and the reasons that led to their demise. The title of the thesis suggests that a certain change occurred in the politics of the French vis-à-vis their possessions in India. The thesis commences with a summary of the political and economic situation in French India from the end of the last British occupation in 1814 until the end of World War I. The year 1920 was chosen as a starting point for this thesis. Focusing on the 1920’s, the first chapter examines the hegemony of the Gaebelé party which had all the characteristics of a dictatorship. Indifferent to the political climate in French India, politicians in Paris felt most attracted by the colony’s commerce, especially its production of textiles and exports of oleaginous plants. After the fall of the Gaebelé party, French India plunged into a long period of turmoil and political unrest. This is a key theme of the second chapter analyzing the 1930’s. Unaware of the political realities, authorities in Paris continuously prioritized the colony’s commerce. During the 1940’s, French India never stopped drawing closer to British India. This connection persisted after the independence of British India in 1947. Suddenly, the French felt an urge to reaffirm their position of authority in French India. The colony’s commerce fell second to a series of political reforms. Nevertheless, the timing of this abrupt shift was too late. The fourth chapter, centered on the period from 1950 to 1954, confirms the lack of awareness of the French authorities in Paris for the realities confronting French India. The example of Edouard Goubert is a case in point. As soon as Goubert ceased to serve as the main spokesperson and ally of the French government in French India, the remaining French possessions were incorporated one by one to India. In retrospect, facts concerning the colony’s commerce and economy, while being vital in the beginning, are hardly mentioned in the last two chapters of the thesis. Faced with the very real threat of losing their possessions in India, the French understood that French India was valuable for reasons other than commerce. A particular emphasis was placed on the cultural and political value of French India. Small in area, French India was significant in maintaining order and stability in the other colonies of the French Empire. Simultaneously, the French possessions in India represented starting points for the expansion of French culture in the vast Indian sub-continent.

The present study is a survey of Anglo-French imperial, policies on the Upper Nile question and the Fashoda Crisis which resulted, and it is an attempt to place this conflict within the framework of the "new imperialism" after 1870.

Peu de personnes se rappellent de la présence de la France en Inde. Quelques parties de l’Inde sont restées françaises jusqu’en 1954. À cette date, l’Inde française, consistant de quatre petits établissements (Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal et Mahé), était en pleine décadence et éclipsée par d’autres colonies françaises, plus grandes, plus lucratives et plus importantes pour la Métropole. L’Indochine et l’Algérie ne sont que deux exemples. Toutefois, les Français n’étaient pas disposés à abandonner leurs possessions en Inde sans résistance. Le présent mémoire cherche à expliquer la valeur des possessions françaises en Inde et les raisons de la fin de la tutelle française. Le titre du mémoire indique qu’un certain changement a eu lieu dans la politique française vis-à-vis de ses possessions en Inde. L’étude commence par un résumé de la situation politique et économique de l’Inde française depuis la fin de la dernière occupation anglaise en 1814 jusqu’à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale. L’année 1920 est choisie comme point de départ de la période visée par le mémoire. Portant sur les années 1920, le premier chapitre examine l’hégémonie du parti Gaebelé qui a eu toutes les caractéristiques d’une dictature. Indifférentes à la vie politique de l’Inde française, les autorités métropolitaines étaient surtout attirées par le commerce que la colonie offrait dans la production de tissus et l’exportation d’arachides. Après la chute du parti Gaebelé, l’Inde française a été plongée dans une longue période d’agitation, un thème clé du deuxième chapitre sur les années 1930. Inconscientes de la réalité politique, les autorités métropolitaines ont toujours accordé la priorité au commerce. Durant les années 1940, l’Inde française n’a jamais arrêté de se rapprocher de l’Inde britannique. Ce rapprochement a aussi persisté lorsque l’Inde britannique est devenue l’Union indienne en 1947. Soudainement, les Français ont senti le besoin de réaffirmer leur position d’autorité en Inde française. Le commerce est passé au second plan au profit d’une série de réformes politiques. Toutefois, ce brusque changement de politique fut trop tardif. Le quatrième chapitre, centré surtout sur la période de 1950 à 1954 et vu à travers l’exemple d’Édouard Goubert, a souligné la méconnaissance des autorités métropolitaines des réalités qui confrontaient l’Inde française. Lorsque Goubert a cessé de servir comme porte-parole et principal allié du gouvernement français en Inde, les possessions françaises en Inde furent rattachées une par une à l’Union indienne. Rétrospectivement, les faits économiques, vitaux pour le début du mémoire, sont quasiment absents de deux derniers chapitres. Se retrouvant face à la menace de perdre leurs possessions en Inde, les Français ont compris que l’Inde française était précieuse pour des raisons autres que le commerce. Un accent particulier fut mis pour souligner ces avantages culturels et politiques. De petite taille, les possessions françaises étaient importantes pour l’ordre et la stabilité dans les autres colonies de l’Empire. Parallèlement, elles représentaient des points d’appui pour l’expansion de la culture française dans l’immense sous-continent indien. / Few people today can relate to the presence of the French in India. That said, a few cities in India remained under the control of the French until 1954. By then, French India, consisting of four cities (Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal) had reached its irrevocable point of decline, overshadowed by other French colonies that were larger, more lucrative and more important to France. Indochina and Algeria are but two examples. Even so, it must be stated that the French were reluctant to abandon their possessions in India without any resistance. This particular thesis seeks to explain the value of the French possessions in India and the reasons that led to their demise. The title of the thesis suggests that a certain change occurred in the politics of the French vis-à-vis their possessions in India. The thesis commences with a summary of the political and economic situation in French India from the end of the last British occupation in 1814 until the end of World War I. The year 1920 was chosen as a starting point for this thesis. Focusing on the 1920’s, the first chapter examines the hegemony of the Gaebelé party which had all the characteristics of a dictatorship. Indifferent to the political climate in French India, politicians in Paris felt most attracted by the colony’s commerce, especially its production of textiles and exports of oleaginous plants. After the fall of the Gaebelé party, French India plunged into a long period of turmoil and political unrest. This is a key theme of the second chapter analyzing the 1930’s. Unaware of the political realities, authorities in Paris continuously prioritized the colony’s commerce. During the 1940’s, French India never stopped drawing closer to British India. This connection persisted after the independence of British India in 1947. Suddenly, the French felt an urge to reaffirm their position of authority in French India. The colony’s commerce fell second to a series of political reforms. Nevertheless, the timing of this abrupt shift was too late. The fourth chapter, centered on the period from 1950 to 1954, confirms the lack of awareness of the French authorities in Paris for the realities confronting French India. The example of Edouard Goubert is a case in point. As soon as Goubert ceased to serve as the main spokesperson and ally of the French government in French India, the remaining French possessions were incorporated one by one to India. In retrospect, facts concerning the colony’s commerce and economy, while being vital in the beginning, are hardly mentioned in the last two chapters of the thesis. Faced with the very real threat of losing their possessions in India, the French understood that French India was valuable for reasons other than commerce. A particular emphasis was placed on the cultural and political value of French India. Small in area, French India was significant in maintaining order and stability in the other colonies of the French Empire. Simultaneously, the French possessions in India represented starting points for the expansion of French culture in the vast Indian sub-continent.

The functioning of African societies in the colonial environment has become a popular subject of research by historians. However, these are areas of neglect insofar as the investigation of the economic role of Africans in colonial states is concerned. In spite of the fact that the European population and the revenue of Natal have never been very large, there have been numerous studies examining the role of the white inhabitants in the economic development of the colony. Stimulus for this thesis has therefore been provided by the vacuum in the historical literature concerning the financial history of colonial Natal, and in particular, how the Hut Tax - one of the more significant manifestations of colonialism - served as a tool in coercing the northern Nguni inhabitants to finance the administration of foreign rule. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1985.

L'histoire coloniale française a été abordée sous de nombreuses facettes, mais peu étudiée du point de vue des mouvements politiques de droite. Pour comprendre ce que les droites attendent de l'empire, l'entre-deux-guerres est une période particulièrement intéressante. En 1919, les droites sont à la tête du gouvernement français, après en avoir été éloignées pendant une vingtaine d'années, et elles parviennent à y rester sur la majeure partie de la période. De même, en 1919, les frontières de l'empire français sont désormais fixées et cela marque l'apogée de la colonisation ainsi qu'un renouvellement de la question coloniale. En effet, la question n'est plus de savoir si les frontières doivent être encore repoussées, mais que faire de cet empire. Ainsi en arrivant au pouvoir les droites vont concevoir une politique coloniale à leur image, avec comme base les principes du libéralisme et du protectionnisme. Pour favoriser la prospérité économique de la France, les droites imaginent une politique dans laquelle l'empire français sert de pilier économique à sa métropole, en l'aidant à regagner sa puissance sans rien demander en retour. Seulement, les droites comprennent progressivement que la métropole ne peut rester éloignée des affaires coloniales. De la création d'un programme de mise en valeur, en passant par la construction d'un soutien financier aux territoires outre-mer, jusqu'au maintien de l'autorité française dans les colonies, les droites se retrouvent confrontées à la réalité impériale et au besoin de réviser leurs idéaux politiques pour l'empire. / The French Colonial Empire has been studied using multiple points of reference, rarely however, has the subject has been considered from the right-wing political coalition's perspective. As it happened, the interwar period exercised a crucial influence on the right-wing's expectations for the empire at that time. After being out in the cold for two decades, 1919 eventually saw the right-wing being re-elected to power. Significantly, 1919 also saw of the demarcation of the extent of the French colonies, with the finalization of the physical borders. This resulted in an important shift in debate from the 'scope and scale of the Empire', to how to 'administer or manage the Empire'. True to their fundamentals, the Rights embraced liberalism and protectionism at the heart of their policy. In order to best serve and foster France's economic prosperity, they devised policies in which the French empires served as a strong contributor to France's domestic economic ambitions, without the colonies expecting to receive any reciprocity. The Rights, however, soon came to appreciate that they would be required to ensure greater contribution equality; as was evident in the creation of the program mise en valeur. This plan offered a platform to deliver their imperial ideology and authority, by leveraging a financial support plan to the overseas territories.

RESUMO As abelhas africanizadas (Apis mellifera L.) apresentam um comportamento higiênico mais intenso comparado a outras subespécies de abelhas europeias. Embora o comportamento higiênico das abelhas já seja bem conhecido, ainda existem estudos a serem feitos em torno desse complexo comportamento. Assim, no presente trabalho pretendeu-se obter subsídios para uma melhor compreensão desse comportamento em relação ao comportamento de forrageamento e ao desenvolvimento interno das colônias, através da comparação do desempenho entre colônias de linhagens higiênicas e não higiênicas de abelhas africanizadas (Apis mellifera L.). Portanto, quarenta e uma colônias de abelhas Africanizadas Apis mellifera L. foram testadas quanto ao comportamento higiênico (CH). O presente trabalho foi desenvolvido no Laboratório Apilab do Departamento de Genética da FMRP-USP. Foram constituídos dois grupos de colônias: um grupo de 3 colônias higiênicas (H) com CH igual ou superior a 90% e 3 colônias não higiênicas (NH) com valor igual ou inferior a 55%, com o objetivo de se estudar, mediante monitoramento mensal durante 13 meses (julho de 2011 a julho de 2012), as variáveis relacionadas ao desenvolvimento interno das colônias (atividade de postura, área de cria aberta e de cria operculada), atividades forrageiras (área de pólen, área de néctar aberto e de néctar operculado) e ganho de peso. Para o ganho de peso foram utilizadas balanças eletrônicas adaptadas. Os mapeamentos dos dados climáticos foram registrados por um período na Estação Climatológica do Apilab na USP, porém devido a um acidente com queda de energia a fonte foi queimada, não sendo possível o uso programado dos dados climáticos para estudos de correlação com as variáveis das colônias. Os dados das variáveis internas da colônia foram obtidos utilizando-se de um suporte de madeira com tela de arame dividindo a área total em 36 quadrantes idênticos dentro do qual se colocava o quadro da colmeia para se estimar as áreas respectivas em % (néctar, pólen, crias, oviposição etc.). Os dados foram transformados em arco-seno para aplicação dos testes estatísticos. As comparações estatísticas foram realizadas usando-se o teste t-Student e análises de correlação pelo método de Spearman, (Software Statistica 8). Como principais resultados obtivemos os seguintes: as colônias H tiveram melhor desempenho que as NH quanto as atividades de coleta de pólen (P = <0,001), área de cria aberta (P = <0,001), área de cria operculada (P = 0,050) e oviposição das rainhas (P = 0,015). As colônias H apresentaram maior taxa de remoção de crias doentes e mortas que as NH. As abelhas das colônias H são melhores coletoras de pólen que as NH. Não houve diferença entre as linhagens quanto ao ganho de peso. Encontramos correlação positiva significante nas colônias (H e NH) entre áreas de pólen com as áreas com cria aberta H (r = 0,599; P = 0,029), NH (r = 0,791; P = 0,000) e entre as áreas de pólen com cria operculada H (r = 0,659; P = 0,013), NH (r = 0,731; P = 0,004), confirmando que o feromônio das larvas estimula a coleta de pólen. Houve também correlação positiva significante nas colônias H entre área de néctar operculado e cria operculada (r = 0,714; P = 0,005), e néctar operculado e pólen (r = 0,659; P = 0,013). Concluiu-se que o CH pode também ser utilizado como uma característica para critério de seleção para produção de pólen, sendo o CH considerado como uma das melhores alternativas para os programas de melhoramento de abelhas. / The africanized bees (Apis mellifera L.) present a more intensive hygienic behavior in comparison with another European subspecies bees. Although the hygienic behavior of these bees is already very known, there are studies being conducted on this complex behavior. Then, the present study aimed to obtain data to comprehend better the hygienic behavior in relation to the forager behavior and to the internal development of colonies through the comparison of development between colonies of A. mellifera bees from lineage hygienic and not hygienic. Thus, forty-one colonies of Africanized honey bee (Apis mellifera L.) were tested for hygienic behavior. This work was developed in the Apilab of the Department of Genetics, FMRP-USP in Ribeirão Preto-SP. There were two groups of colonies: a group of 3 hygienic colonies (H) ( H test => 90% ) and 3 non-hygienic colonies (NH) ( H test =< 55%) , with the objective of studying, through monitoring monthly from July/ 2011 to July/ 2012, variables related to the internal development of the colonies (oviposition area, open brood area and capped brood area) foraging activities (pollen area, open nectar area, capped nectar area) and weight gain. For weight gain determination adapted electronic scales were used. Mappings of climatic data were recorded for a period at the Apilab-USP, but due to an accident the Climatological Station was damaged, not being possible the correlation studies. Data of internal variables of the colonies were obtained using a wooden support mesh wire dividing the total area under 36 identical quadrants within which is placed the frame of the hive to estimate the respective areas in % (nectar, pollen, brood, eggs etc.). Data were transformed to arcsine in statistical tests. Statistical comparisons were performed using the Student t test and correlation analysis by the method of Spearman (Software Statistica 8). As main results we achieved the following: H colonies outperformed the NH in the following variables: pollen area (P = <0.001), open brood area (P = <0.001), capped brood area (P = 0.050) and oviposition (P = 0.015). Hygienic colonies (H) showed higher removal rate of sick and dead brood than Non hygienic colonies (NH). The Africanized Honey Bees of the Hygienic colonies ( H ) are better pollen-collecting than the Honey Bees of the Non-hygienic colonies (NH). There was no difference between strains regarding weight gain. Significant positive correlation was found in both groups of colonies (H and NH) between area of pollen with open brood H (r = 0.599; P = 0.029), NH (r = 0.791; P = 0.000) and between areas of pollen with capped brood H (r = 0.659; P = 0.013), NH (r = 0.731; P = 0.004), confirming that the larval pheromone stimulates pollen collection. There were also significant positive correlation in the Hygienic colonies (H) between area of capped brood and capped nectar area (r = 0.714; P = 0.005) as well as between pollen area and capped nectar area (r = 0.659; P = 0.013). It was also concluded that the Hygienic Behavior of the Honey Bees can also be used as a feature selection for pollen production. The Hygienic Behavior feature is being considered today as one of the best alternatives for Honey Bee breeding programs.