Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.

Le nombre de 300 000 enfants utilisés comme combattants est un chiffre conservateur que les experts du milieu ont mis de l'avant pour assurer un plus grand consensus international sur l'urgence d'intervenir. Ce chiffre, qui demeure constant depuis le milieu des années 1990, cache en réalité un nombre cumulé encore plus inquiétant. Lors des conflits, les enfants tués, blessés, qui réussissent à s'enfuir ou qui atteignent leur majorité sont remplacés systématiquement par d'autres ce qui fait que le nombre réel est, en fin de compte, beaucoup plus élevé. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'identifier les faiblesses du système international qui permettent encore aujourd'hui que l'enfance soit massacrée. Elle questionne l'existence d'une réelle protection des enfants pendant les conflits pour éviter leur enrôlement par des groupes armés en examinant des instruments juridiques internationaux. À la lumière d'une étude de cas effectuée en Sierra Leone à l'été 2005, l'auteure expose les défaillances de la protection accordée aux enfants combattants en période de post-conflit, notamment issues de la des mécanismes de réconciliation ainsi que lors de la provision des volets des programmes de Désarmement, de Démobilisation et de Réinsertion (DDR) s'adressant spécifiquement aux enfants anciens combattants. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Enfants combattants, Enfants soldats, Droit international, Droits des enfants, Protection, Sécurité humaine, Conflits, DDR et Sierra Leone.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Sierra Leone is a very poor country in Africa. Botswana is another country, that has a similar history and the same deposit; diamonds. Botswana has reached economic growth and democracy and Sierra Leone has not.</p><p>The purpose with this study is to explain why Botswana is more democratic and has reached a better result economic than Sierra Leone.</p><p>The questions in this study are:</p><p>What explains the democratic and the economic results in Sierra Leone and Botswana?</p><p>* Dahl’s institutions that furthers a polyarchy?</p><p>* Gunnarsson’s and Rojas’ institutional explanations?</p><p>* Diamond’s and Morlino’s ”rule of law”?</p><p>* Other explanations or a combination of the above-mentioned explanations?</p><p>The method that has been used in this study is a comparative case study with a qualitative contents analysis. The result is that it’s hard to say that one explanation is the right one. It’s more likely a combination of multiple factors that furthers democracy and economic development. Not just one combination is the right one, but the institutional explanation about the autonomy of the state is very important for the result.</p>

This thesis aimed to examine the possibilities and benefits of implementing agroforestry projects in Sierra Leone by comparing different agroforestry systems used in a Tanzanian project that consider carbon sequestration. Farmers involved in this type of projects get income from sold carbon credits as well as from other products that an agroforestry system could provide. Sierra Leone is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change, with most of the population living in rural conditions. It was investigated what the potential economic and environmental impact different agroforestry systems considering carbon storage could have in Sierra Leone. The study was based on empirical material from a case community Makari. The conclusions were that Sierra Leone could benefit greatly from agroforestry projects, especially at community level where it could provide additional sources of food and income. From a greater perspective it could give environmental benefits as well as securing wood commodities like fuelwood for the future. Starting up a project would however be a high risk investment with a troublesome implementation process and complications on a daily basis.

The Sierra Leonean Creoles, formed by a conglomeration of black returnees to Africa, arrived over the late eighteenth and mid-nineteenth century from Britain, Nova Scotia, the West Indies, and other parts of Africa. Heavily influenced by the British, their culture set them apart from the surrounding natives. That distinction resulted in critical identity problems as British philanthropy turned into colonial racism. The Rambler was a contributor to the Sierra Leone Weekly News from 1913 to 1919 and from 1929 to 1939. His work suggests that he was an energetic and informed thinker. Historians use him to support points concerning Creole and West African history, but do not examine him completely. His work, examined holistically, reveals a Creole still struggling with British abandonment, native encroachment, and Creole obstinacy while clinging to the civilizing mission. His struggle fails and eventually he dismisses the civilizing morality, subscribing instead to a racially assertive morality.

This volume critically examines what happens when war formally ends, the difficult and complex challenges and opportunities for winning the peace and reconciling divided communities. By reviewing a case study of the West African state of Sierra Leone, potential lessons for other parts of the world can be gained. Sierra Leone has emerged as a 'successful' model of liberal peacebuilding that is now popularly advertised and promoted by the international community as a powerful example of a country that they finally got right. Concerns about how successful a model Sierra Leone actually is, are outlined in this project. As such this volume: provides a critical understanding of the nature, dynamics and complexity of post-war peacebuilding and development from an internal perspective; critically assesses the role and contribution of the international community to state reconstruction and post-war peacebuilding and evaluates what happens when war ends; and explores the potential relevance and impact of comparative international efforts of post-war state building and reconstruction in other parts of Africa and the world. The collection focuses not only on understanding the root causes of conflict but also identifying and appreciating the possibilities and opportunities for peace. The lessons found in this book resonate well beyond the borders of Sierra Leone and Africa in general.

Several organizations, most prominently the United Nations and the World Bank, have emphasized that ex-combatant reintegration is crucial to consolidating peace after war. Strategic thinking about peace-building and opportunities for international involvement in post-conflict states after the Cold War have focused attention on programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate fighters. Despite the resources and effort invested in reintegration programs, however, the evidence from Namibia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone shows that significant problems linked to incomplete reintegration persist after formal programs end. These problems include widespread unemployment among former fighters, ex-combatant involvement in criminality, re-recruitment into neighboring conflicts, and political and social polarization of reintegration grievances. Left unmanaged, such problems threaten security even if they do not lead a state back to war. The thesis explains the persistence of reintegration problems in terms of two variables: the capacity (defined as resources, operational expertise, and authority) and preferences (defined as the explicit and implicit interests and assumptions that guide programs) of reintegration actors. The capacity and preferences of these actors are aggregate independent variables that are themselves the product of endogenous (organizational and bureaucratic) and exogenous (systemic) pressures that literature on political economy and international relations theory helps to elucidate (i.e., helps to determine how reintegration actors' own behavior exacerbates or ameliorates problems). Drawing on documentation and interviews, the thesis constructs a narrative of reintegration in each case and employs process tracing within cases to identify reintegration problems, measure their impact on security, and determine whether and how the capacity and preferences of reintegration actors contributed to the persistence of reintegration problems. The thesis uses comparative analysis to generalize inferences about the variables observed, and suggests potential solutions to improve the management of reintegration problems and creation of economic opportunities. Unless deeper issues of reintegration governance related to problem management and opportunity creation are addressed, targeted remedies to improve program design will not succeed.

Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diss., 2006--Berlin.

This thesis examines local transitional justice programmes and processes in Sierra Leone. I will examine both recognised mechanisms – official institutions with preconceived goals and processes that are already recognised as part of the transitional justice ‘toolkit’ and unrecognised mechanisms – processes outside the institutional transitional justice scope and discourse. Much research and analysis of these processes often prioritise organisations and their programmes as the starting point of investigation and fail to recognise the various individual actors involved, both within the organisational structures and the groups for whom these programmes are designed. Moving beyond discussions of impact and effectiveness, this thesis examines the actual activity of Sierra Leonean individuals in both recognised and unrecognised processes. Fambul Tok is an example of a recognised local transitional justice programme, which seeks to facilitate justice and reconciliation through bonfire ceremonies to make the programmes more contextually relevant for rural communities. I will look at the various individuals involved in constructing and shaping how Fambul Tok operates and is represented to different audiences to better understand dynamics amongst different Sierra Leoneans with attachments to different places, all of whom theoretically constitute the local. My thesis will demonstrate how transitional justice processes are not only institutional, but also individual. I move away from discussions about ‘societies,’ normative questions of institutional effectiveness, the underlying assumptions that propel transitional justice programmes and mechanisms and look more specifically at the activities and appropriation of individual actors within these transitional justice processes to better illustrate the diverse means through which individuals construct as well as engage with local transitional justice programmes and the unique unrecognised ways individuals move past their war-related experiences.

The current study analyses the media strategies used by Sierra Leone to repair their destination image during and after crisis to attract international tourism. There is an academic study written by Avraham and Ketter (2017) that appears on this topic as well, but focusing on many Sub-Saharan African countries where Sierra Leone is mentioned. Therefore, it was chosen to study this country in more depth, to confirm or disregard Avraham and Ketters (2017) conclusions about this particular country and their media-strategies. The framework used in this research is the multi-step model for altering place image. The study was based on qualitative content analysis of online posts from two sources, which are two Sierra Leonian tourism webpages. The data was located between the years 2015-2017. The study’s conclusion shows that Sierra Leone’s marketers and policy makers used source-focused strategies to handle the crisis, which are (1) disregard for/partial acknowledgement of the crisis, (2) full acknowledgement of the crisis and moderate coping measures, (3) full acknowledgement of the crisis and extreme coping measures and (4) disengagement from the place’s main characteristics.