The aim of this research was to examine the main organisational and social characteristics of the Romanian industrial enterprise under communist rule. The research explored the complex relations between state planning bodies, enterprises, and the managers. The research’s approach was multi-disciplinary drawing on industrial management, economics, organisation studies sociology, and political science. The research had also a consistent trans-disciplinary character because it aimed to create an over-arching perspective on Romanian industrialisation process. The approach employed in this study was the one labelled by Burrell & Morgan interpretivist. This means that author’s set of assumptions over society and social research lies on the subjective side of the philosophy of science dimension, and is characterised by an integrationist view over society. The research methods employed were predominantly qualitative, based on interpretation of data collected using interviews and document analysis. The empirical research focused on the formation and key features of Romanian industrial enterprises, on the process of negotiation of the plan objectives between enterprises and central state structures, and on the analysis of the human resources processes of the enterprise. The empirical findings offer an in-depth perspective over the practices, mechanisms, and actors involved in the activity of the Romanian industrial enterprises for almost four decades. The findings also confirm the consistent potential of the interpretive approach to provide a better understanding of the way organisations work in a challenging environment as the communist regime was.

This study is a social history of communists in wartime Rome. It examines a decisive change in Italian communist politics, as the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) rose from a hounded fraternity of prisoners and exiles to a party of government. Joining with other Resistance forces in the Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale (CLN), this ‘new party’ recast itself as a mass, patriotic force, committed to building a new democracy. This study explains how such a party came into being. It argues that a PCI machine could establish itself only by subduing other strands of communist thought and organistion that had emerged independently of exiled Party leaders. This was particularly true in Rome, where dissident communists created the largest single Resistance formation, the Movimento Comunista d’Italia (MCd’I). This movement was the product of the underground that survived across the Mussolini period, expressing a ‘subversive’ politics that took on a popular following through the disintegration of the Fascist regime. Standing outside the CLN alliance and the postwar democratic governments, it reflected the maximalism and eclecticism of a communist milieu that had persisted on the margins of Fascist society. In the Occupation period this dissident movement galvanised a social revolt in the borgate slums, which would also trouble the new authorities even after the Allies’ arrival. Studying the political writing of these dissidents, their autodidact Marxism and the social conditions in which it emerged, this study reconstructs a far-reaching battle to redefine communist politics. Highlighting the erasure of the dissidents’ history in mainstream narration of the Resistance, it argues that the repressed radicalism of this period represented a lasting danger to the postwar PCI and the new Republic.

xi, 112 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT PN6149.P64 V36 2000 / This thesis examines the performance of political pranks by contemporary radical activists and anarchists. Pranks, used symbolically to subvert authority and collapse hierarchy, have become important tools for grassroots political movements. Activists utilize pranks as a form of "culture jamming" to undermine, humiliate, and educate. This thesis documents political pranks pulled by Earth First!, the Yippies, the Biotic Baking Brigade, and the Eugene Anarchists for Torrey (EAT) Campaign to show how pranks are performed and narrated within anarchist subcultures. Drawing on cultural and performance studies, as well as on anarchist theories, this thesis demonstrates how pranks can become performances of resistance and criticism that disrupt the status quo. / Committee in charge: Dr. Daniel N. Wojcik, Chair; Dr. Suzanne Clark; Dr. Carol Silverman

Submitted by PPGE PPGE (pgedu@ufba.br) on 2014-07-16T13:47:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - João Correia.pdf: 5112431 bytes, checksum: ad9742b3e5dcbcd0364817db6eed4fb3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora da Silva Lopes (silopes@ufba.br) on 2014-07-17T01:50:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - João Correia.pdf: 5112431 bytes, checksum: ad9742b3e5dcbcd0364817db6eed4fb3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-17T01:50:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - João Correia.pdf: 5112431 bytes, checksum: ad9742b3e5dcbcd0364817db6eed4fb3 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta dissertação analisa à criação, organização, realização e manutenção da Educação Anarquista e sua Pedagogia Libertária por trabalhadores anarquistas, entre 1880 a 1930, na Europa e nas Américas. Ambas as experiências derivam do projeto de revolução social desejado para substituir o sistema capitalista. Apresenta-se aqui um caleidoscópio composto por fractais projetados e criados pela práxis anarquista, em especial nos meios educacionais, onde esta atuou tanto quanto nos sindicatos. Crio meu próprio tom fractal defendendo que ocorre uma separação entre a Educação Anarquista e a Pedagogia Libertária. A pesquisa baseou-se fundamentalmente em periódicos da época encontrados nos arquivos brasileiros da Bahia, Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. / ABSTRACT This dissertation analyses the creation, organization, delivery and maintenance of the Anarchist Education and Libertarian Pedagogy by anarchist workers, between 1880 and 1930, in Europe and the Americas. Both experiences derive from the desired project of a social revolution to replace the capitalist system. The dissertation presents a kaleidoscope composed of fractals projected and created by the anarchist praxis, especially in the educational realms, where it developed as much as inside unions. I create my own fractal tone arguing that there is a separation between Anarchist Education and Libertarian Pedagogy. The research was based mainly on historical journals found in Brazilian archives in the states of Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.

The problem of the ‘mountain man’, the caricature of self-sufficiency and individualism, is not a new one for autonomy theorists. It seems plausible that there is genuine value in self-direction according to one’s deeply-held principles. If autonomy involves something like this, then anyone concerned with autonomy as a social rather than individualistic phenomenon must explain what (if anything) the mountain man gets wrong when he denies that his autonomy admits of being placed under obligations to others. In particular, the mountain man challenges autonomy-minded social anarchists: if his denial of legitimate non-voluntary obligations is correct, then it is not just the state we should reject, but any organising body with coercive powers. This may be consistent with individualist anarchism or right-libertarianism, but it sits ill with the social anarchist intuition that we can have genuine political obligations (albeit not to the state). My thesis addresses this problem in three stages. First, I argue for a functional analysis of authority and autonomy: the concepts are not pre-existing “immovable objects”, but rather are defined by the role that they are intended to play in our discourse. I suggest that we need a concept of political or institutional authority in order to resolve co-ordination problems and pursue collaborative social goods, and a concept of autonomy to explain when and why self-direction is valuable. Second, I defend a social-relational conception of autonomy. The autonomous agent is powerful and authoritative, where this power and authority is in large part constituted, rather than merely affected, by the social structures and relations that we stand in. We are powerful and authoritative (and thus autonomous), I argue, when we stand in relations of non-domination: we are not vulnerable to arbitrary interference in our lives, and this non-vulnerability is defended in virtue of recognition respect for us as agents. There are two important implications of this account: that autonomy comes with a built-in equality condition whereby everybody’s autonomy is threatened if anybody’s is, and that there is no principled distinction to be drawn between ‘personal’ and ‘political’ autonomy. In the last three chapters, I suggest an autonomy-justified conception of authority. I argue for autonomy as the crucial collaborative good which authoritative institutions help us to pursue, and suggest that such institutions may legitimately claim authority if they act or effect actions in ways which are likely to promote or defend autonomy-constituting relations, and act or effect actions in ways consistent with maximal equal autonomy. Finally, I return to the anarchist argument, showing that while my accounts of autonomy and authority give us a plausible picture of how autonomy is compatible with genuinely authoritative institutions, this picture still has no room for the state.

This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by presenting an analysis of anarchist conceptions of solidarity. Whilst recent academic literature has conceptualised solidarity from a range of perspectives, anarchist interpretations have largely been marginalised or ignored. This neglect is unjustified, for thinkers of the anarchist tradition have often emphasised solidarity as a key principle, and have offered original and instructive accounts of this important but contested political concept. In a global era which has seen the role of the nation state significantly reduced, anarchism, which consists in a fundamental critique and rejection of hierarchical state-like institutions, can provide a rich source of theory on the meaning and significance of solidarity. The work consists in detailed analyses of the concepts of solidarity of four prominent anarchist thinkers: Michael Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Murray Bookchin and Noam Chomsky. The analytic investigation is led by Michael Freeden s methodology of ideological morphology , whereby ideologies are viewed as peculiar configurations of political concepts, which are themselves constituted by sub-conceptual idea-components. Working within this framework, the analysis seeks to ascertain the way in which each thinker attaches particular meanings to the concept of solidarity, and to locate solidarity within their wider ideological system. Subsequently, the thesis offers a representative profile of an anarchist concept of solidarity, which is characterised by notions of universal inclusion, collective responsibility and the social production of individuality.

The major subject of this graduation thesis is political extremism in its basic forms. In the theoretical part the author focuses in particular on division of political extremism and description of individual extremists groups. He also addresses criminal activities committed by extremists. Large attention is paid mainly to racially motivated criminality. The main objective of this graduation thesis is to ascertain the opinions of two different target groups on the extremist movements and the forms of criminal activities committed by them. The first group of informants consists of people who were brought up in the time of totalitarian regime. The second group of informants is made up of people who were brought up after the revolution in 1989. The output should be the comparison of the opinions, positions and prejudices of these two groups of informants in respect of extremists and their activities. In the practical part the qualitative research method is used. In order to collect the information, the author used the method of phenomenological interviews that were structured and prepared beforehand. The informants were people living in České Budějovice or its close surroundings. Their number and selection was purposeful to secure equal representation of men and women so that the data contain the opinions of both these groups.

O objeto da tese é o significado das questões econômicas da economia, plano econômico da realidade, e da Economia Política, conhecimento econômico - no pensamento de Proudhon entre 1838-1847. Situada no campo da História Intelectual e considerando os textos do autor no período como partes constitutivas de um corpus, a tese tencionou demonstrar o importante papel que o autor atribuiu à economia tanto na preservação quanto na transformação da ordem social e como a Economia Política foi usada, criticada e transformada por ele para efeitos de análise e transformação dessa mesma ordem. / The object of the thesis is the meaning of the economic questions - of economy, economic realm of reality, and the Political Economy, economic knowledge - in the thought of Proudhon between 1838-1847. Situated in the field of Intellectual History and considering the texts of the author in the period as constituent parts of a corpus, the thesis intended to demonstrate the important role that the author attributed to the economy both in the preservation and in the transformation of the social order, and how the Political Economy was used, criticized and transformed by him for the purpose of analysis and transformation of this same order.

Orientador: Wencesláo Machado de Oliveira Júnior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T22:05:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sgobin_AlexsandroAparecido_M.pdf: 8740076 bytes, checksum: 2e625b20e4467639d142c60c097d1ee9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta dissertação trata de uma experiência realizada em escolas da periferia de Campinas durante os anos de 2009 a 2012, utilizando fotografias de pichações manipuladas digitalmente, com o intuito de criar caminhos que permitissem novos olhares e miradas para estas fotografias, bem como quaisquer outras fotografias do espaço geográfico, movimentando o pensamento, convidando à criatividade... e ao rizoma. Estas experiências foram gestadas junto a práticas de aula inspiradas na pedagogia anarquista e no próprio anarquismo, podendo-se dizer, assim, que as fotografias utilizadas foram máquinas que se conectaram à máquinas, que se conectaram à máquinas , que se conectaram... / Abstract: This work talks about an experiment in schools on the outskirts of Campinas during the years 2009 to 2012, using digitally manipulated photographs of graffiti, in order to create pathways that allow freer ways of looking at these photographs and, perhaps, any other photographs of geographical space, moving thought, inviting creativity¿ and rhizome. These experiments were gestated together with classroom practices inspired by anarchist pedagogy and anarchism itself, may be said, therefore, that the photographs used were machines that connected to the machine, which is connected to the machine, which is connected¿ / Mestrado / Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte / Mestre em Educação

This thesis is an exploration of the images which define revolution's meaning. It suggests a possible shifting of emphasis from the scientific imaginary which centres on identifying the correct way to totalising revolution, towards a post-structuralist-anarchistic imaginary which privileges prefigurative radicalisations of social relations in the here and now. It looks specifically at how the field of post-structuralism intertwines with historically anarchist concepts to generate an horizon of social change animated by experimental and open-ended transformations. While the thesis offers positive characterisations of the types of contemporary movements, tactics and principles which embody the change from closed to open utopianism, it is chiefly a commentary on the role of theory in depicting the complexity of relations on the ground and the danger of proposing one totalising pathway from one state of society to another. It asks the reader to consider, given the achievements of movements and given the insights of post-structuralism, whether it is still worthwhile to proclaim certainty when sketching the possibilities for transcendence toward emancipation, an aim, which in itself, is always under construction. I engage this by firstly establishing a practical foundation for the critique of endpoints in theory by exploring the horizontal and prefigurative nature of a few autonomous movements today. Secondly I propose the contemporary theory of post-structuralist anarchism as concomitant with conclusions about transformation made in the first chapter. Finally I recommend a few initial concepts to start debate about the way forward from old objectivist models of transformation. The uncertainties of daily life, crumbling of economic powers and rapid pace of change in the twenty-first century have opened up fantastic spaces for innovative thought. Reconsidering old consensus around what constitutes a desirable image of revolution is of considerable importance given today's burgeoning bottom-up political energy and the global debate surrounding the possibilities for bottom-up revolutionisation of society. I submit that theories which portray stories of permanent, pure and natural end-points to revolution are deficient justifications for radical action.