This thesis analyses the public art competitions arranged by the Public Art Agency Sweden (Statens konstråd) 1937-1970 and the discussions about public art competitions in within the art field of the 1940’s, -50’ and -60’s. The main material for this analysis has been the protocols of the Public Art Agency and the annual paper of the Swedish Artists' National Organization (Konstnärernas riksorganisation). The theoretical and methodological framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu’s understanding of the art field, and institutions as agents within that field. I also use Foucauldian discourse theory as another theoretical tool to understand the power relations between these institutions in the art field. My aim has been to understand why there were competitions for public art commissions – the purposes, the processes, the discussions and how these factors change over the decades. The purpose for public art competition can be understood through the ideology of the Swedish welfare state and the cultural policy of the Social Democratic government in the 1930’s. The public art competitions could support the Swedish artists economically, but was also a way for the Swedish Government, through the Public Art Agency, to control and guarantee that the public artworks were of high artistic quality. This idea of artistic quality became more and more dominant as a purpose for the competitions through the 1950’s and 1960’s.  The artists active in the Swedish Artists' National Organization found the competitions to be of great importance and the competitions were much discussed in the organisations annual paper. Many of the artists that discussed the artist competitions were of the same generation born in the 1910’s or 1920’s and were working with public art commissions to a great extent. For them, the public art competitions gave recognition and a possible income. My analysis also shows that the public art competitions were also connected to the concept of modernism. The status of the competitions changed along with the changing concept of modernism. The competition was at its highest status in the 1930’s and 1940’s, when many artists were engaged in public art commissions. It became less popular among young artists in the 1960’s, when the art field was more politically radical and critical against authorities.

L'objet de cette thèse est une étude de cas d'un ensemble de production cinématographique polonaise dans la période communiste des années 1970 - TOR (Kieslowski, Zanussi, Rozewicz). Cette recherche met en avant l'autonomie créatrice de l'auteur-cinéaste face aux bouleversements de la politique culturelle qui a déterminé la production cinématographique dans un pays non-démocratique, à savoir la Pologne populaire des années 1970. La filmographie de TOR est homogène et ses films communiquent un discours d’auteur sur les thématiques existentielles et morales où l’individu occupe une place centrale. Comment a-t-il été possible de produire des films mettant l’individu au centre dans un pays où régnait un discours officiel exaltant le collectif ? / The main subject of this thesis is a case study of Polish cinematographic production under the communist period in the 1970's called TOR (Kieslowski, Zanussi, Rozewicz). This research points out the author-filmmaker's creative autonomy confronted to the Cultural Policy upheavals which have determined film production in a non - democratic country : Polish People's Republic in the 1970s. The TOR filmography is homogeneous and its movies transmit the author-filmmaker's point of view about the existential and moral matters while the individual occupies the central place. How was it possible to produce films focused on the individual in a country where the political class and its collective policy occupied the central place?

This thesis explores how the Institut für Literatur ‘Johannes R. Becher’, an East German institution for the training of writers, negotiated tensions that arose from the conflicting demands between literary and political values. The Institute had the objective to foster emerging literary talents according to the socialist ideal of a working writer, but often found students and staff drawn towards more autonomous literary values that were incompatible with the views of the East German Socialist Unity Party. As a result, the Institute’s practices fluctuated between toeing the party line and pursuing literary ambitions. An overview of the existing scholarship shows that the Institute and its function have been highly politicised and hardly subjected to analyses that allow for a more nuanced appraisal of its practices. As a result, the study of the Institut has not been able to transcend the binary differentiation between assent and dissent and the Institute is either presented as a liberal haven or an orthodox academy with little artistic value. This thesis addresses this issue by applying Bourdieu’s’ theory of cultural production, more specifically his notion of field, capital and habitus, to the study of the Becher Institute. Three case studies that form the core of this dissertation investigate how cultural capital in its institutionalised, embodied, and objectified form was accumulated, converted and exchanged by the Institute, how it tried to reconcile the tensions between cultural policy and creative aspirations and how these tensions affected the Institute’s common habitus. The first case study will show how the Institute’s founding shaped the institutionalised capital it represented and question the importance that has been attributed to prominent political figures during the founding process. The second case study examines the role of the lecturer and the influence their embodied capital had on the Institute. Two lecturers, working writer Werner Bräunig and poet Georg Maurer, and their representation of the Institute’s multiple habitus will be the focus of the analysis. The third and final case study is dedicated to objectified cultural capital in the form of the Institute’s publications during the 1970s. The Institute’s orthodox publications have so far been overlooked by scholars in favour of its more controversial literary output, which gives a misleading impression of the Institute’s literary output that I aim to amend. By developing a sociological framework for the study of the Institute, this thesis is able to investigate the Institute and its practices as a social and literary space under the watchful eye of the Socialist Unity Party, without denying its pedagogical and cultural dimensions. The findings will reveal a deeply conflicted institution that struggled throughout its existence to resolve the tensions between literary ambitions and political restraints as well as the contradictions within the literary field itself.

Genre prestigieux héritier d’une longue tradition, la peinture d'histoire connaît de multiples évolutions tout au long du XIXe siècle. Sous le Second Empire, régime longtemps affecté par sa « légende noire », ce genre restait encore à définir. Il présente des caractéristiques qui l’inscrivent véritablement dans son siècle, tout en lui conférant une originalité : émanation de la peinture d'histoire et de ses mutations dans la première moitié du siècle, précurseur de sa reformulation sous la Troisième République, la peinture d'histoire sous le Second Empire est marquée par la singularité. L’étude des représentations de l’histoire peintes entre 1860 et 1870 en est révélatrice. D’emblée, la corrélation entre les créations et le terme même de « peinture d'histoire » pose question. En effet, tout en se maintenant dans un sujet classique (historique), ces « peintures à sujet historique » se rapprochent tour à tour de la peinture de genre et du genre historique, et sont contaminées par le réalisme et le goût de la couleur locale. Si l’expression académique de « peinture d'histoire » convient encore à la peinture de bataille, cette dernière subit aussi les assauts de la modernité et connaît une mutation sous la forme spécifique de la peinture militaire. La démarche des peintres de sujets historiques présente des récurrences. Un important travail préparatoire, à partir de textes, de sources voire de découvertes archéologiques, est mis au service de reconstitutions positivistes des événements, permettant de susciter l’intérêt du public. Le choix des sujets varie selon les intentions : édifier le spectateur, montrer un passé idéalisé utilisé comme répertoire de sujets émouvants, ou encore exposer une idéologie. Au-delà de la dimension historiciste d’éducation par le passé national, ces œuvres donnent à voir un certain état de la pensée historique, des principaux courants d’idées qui ont influencé les peintres. Plus encore, ces derniers véhiculent et diffusent une conception de l’histoire qui rejaillit sur leur présent par l’intermédiaire de la presse et de l’illustration, et ils contribuent ainsi à construire l’image qui va s’ancrer dans les mémoires. Support traditionnel de propagande et de « fabrication » du pouvoir, la peinture d’histoire conduit à se poser la question des pratiques culturelles du gouvernement du Second Empire. L’instrumentalisation de l’image par l’État est réelle, mais se cantonne aux peintures de bataille et aux figurations du faste impérial. Napoléon III, dans sa politique d’acquisition, s’adapte aux créations plus qu’il ne les génère. En revanche, il exerce une influence indirecte : la mise en scène de sa personne, du couple impérial et de ses goûts historiques, offre une série de thèmes exploités par les peintres. La peinture à sujet historique n’est pas instrumentalisée dans le cadre des envois de l’État. Les élites locales jouent un rôle essentiel dans le développement de ce genre : municipalités et Sociétés savantes, édiles et érudits encouragent les créations sur l’histoire nationale ou locale. La représentation de l’histoire entre 1860 et 1870 donne à voir la place primordiale de l’histoire, dans ses aspects savants et populaires, à échelle nationale et locale, inspirée par le sentiment d’attachement à la « petite patrie » comme à la nation / Prestigious genre, heir to a long tradition, the history painting experiences multiple evolutions throughout the 19th century. Under the Second Empire, for a long time a regime marked by its "black legend", the genre still remained to be defined. Its characteristics fix it deeply in its century, while conferring it an originality : an emanation of the history painting and its transformations in the first half of the century, a precursor of its reformulation under the Third Republic, the history painting under the Second Empire is marked by its singularity. The study of the representations of history painted between 1860 and 1870 is revealing there. Straightaway, the correlation between the creations and the term of "history painting" raises questions. Indeed, while remaining in a classic subject (history), these "paintings on historic subject" get closer alternately to the genre painting and the historic genre, and are contaminated by the realism and the interest in the local colour. If the academic expression of "history painting" still suits for the painting of battle, the latter is also touched by the modernity and transformed into military painting. The approach of the painters of historic subjects presents recurrences. An important preparatory work, on texts, sources, even archaeological discoveries, is put in the service of positivist reconstructions of the events, in order to raise the interest of the public. The choice of the subjects varies according to the intentions: educate the spectator, show an idealised past used as directory of moving scenes, or develop an ideology. Beyond the historicist dimension of education about the national past, these pieces of art show a certain state of the historic thought, the main currents of ideas that influenced the painters. Moreover, the latter convey and spread a conception of history that reaches the contemporary through the press and the illustration, and so they contribute to build the image that will be anchored in the memory. A traditional mean of propaganda and "manufacturing" of the power, the history painting raises the question of the cultural practices of the government of the Second Empire. The instrumentalisation of the image by the State is real, but is restricted to the paintings of battle and of the imperial splendour. Napoleon III, in his acquisition policy, adapts himself to the creations more than he generates them. On the other hand, he exercises an indirect influence: the staging of his person, the imperial couple and its tastes in history, offer a series of themes exploited by the painters. The painting of historic subject is not instrumentalised within the framework of the envois of the State. The local elites play an essential role in the development of this genre: municipalities and Learned societies, town councillors and scholars encourage creations on national or local history. The representation of the history between 1860 and 1870 reveals the essential place of history, in its erudite and popular aspects, on a national and local scale, inspired by the feeling of attachment to the "small homeland" as well as the nation.

La thèse se propose d’étudier les conduites de certains professionnels du théâtre dans leur dimension interculturelle. Une observation de type qualitatif a été menée auprès d’une compagnie de théâtre occitan et d’un lieu de diffusion offrant une programmation méditerranéenne, tout deux situés à Montpellier. Une troisième structure théâtrale, installée en Région Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, a complété l’enquête : cette compagnie crée des spectacles à partir d’échanges avec la Palestine. Une étude des conventions de ces entreprises théâtrales démontre un rapport à l’Autre privilégié. Cette parcelle du monde du théâtre élabore et expérimente une compétence de la frontière dans sa volonté d’échanges culturels. Cette compétence conforte le statut particulier du comédien comme citoyen suscitant l’’’éveil’’. L’analyse du financement de ces structures a permis en outre de préciser les positionnements et actions des différents partenaires publics. La place et la fonction de telles pratiques ont été confrontées à l’émergence d’une politique culturelle européenne / We conducted a qualitative observation, about a theater company of Occitanie, south of France and a theater production and diffusion company. Both are located in Montpellier and have regional and mediterranean culture as a core value. We completed the observation with a third theater company based in the Provence region : this company creates performances based on exchanges with Palestinia. Agreements used by these theater enterprises demonstrates a strong relationship with Alterity. The theater in this part of this art world builds and experiments a competence about the concept of border in its search for cultural exchanges. This competence reinforces the particular status of the actor in his role of citizen in charge of awakening for political and cultural identities. The analysis of the funding practices of these theater structures also allowed us to clarify the positioning and actions of the various parties, including public service parties. Finally, the place and the function of the above practices were confronted to the emerging European Cultural Policy

Ce mémoire aborde la récupération de la musique à des fins politiques en interrogeant le rapport ambigu entre propagande et diplomatie musicale pendant la Guerre froide. Centrée principalement sur la production musicale aux États-Unis dans les années 1950, l’étude s’attarde aux stratégies adoptées, autant par des musiciens jazz que classique, pour critiquer et dénoncer les politiques discriminatoires d’une chasse aux sorcières communistes lancée par le sénateur républicain Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957). Elle montre également comment les dirigeants des États-Unis ont cherché à encenser les valeurs américaines en promouvant internationalement le jazz comme symbole démocratique, en particulier contre l’Union soviétique. Les deux premiers chapitres servent à camper le décor : le premier chapitre brosse par une mise en contexte un portrait politique et historique de la Guerre froide – en partant du postulat que celle-ci trouve ses racines dans la Révolution d’octobre 1917 –, et introduit le contexte sociopolitique des années 1950 en mettant l’emphase sur l’importante influence qu’a eue le maccarthysme, conception politique anticommuniste du sénateur McCarthy, sur la vie américaine. Le deuxième chapitre, également de mise en contexte, établit les différences entre les politiques culturelles américaines et soviétiques. Ce chapitre présente le Cultural Presentations program, le programme d’échanges culturels subventionné par le département d’État, de même que les relations culturelles officielles entre les États-Unis et l’URSS de 1958 à 1985. Les deux derniers chapitres présentent des études de cas afin d’illustrer l’impact sociopolitique sur la vie et la production musicales des années 1950. Le troisième chapitre analyse la présence du jazz au sein du Cultural Presentations program et retrace le parcours de quatre grands musiciens jazz ayant pris part au programme pour faire rayonner le jazz à l’international, tout en soulignant l’ironie d’utiliser des Afro-Américains comme représentants de la démocratie d’une Amérique ségrégée. Le quatrième chapitre traite spécifiquement du genre lyrique américain et des critiques du maccarthysme inscrites dans certaines œuvres de ce répertoire. Une attention particulière est portée à l’opérette Candide de Leonard Bernstein (1918-1990), en raison de l’engagement politique notoire du compositeur et du propos explicitement politique de l’œuvre. Cette recherche vise, en somme, à faire un état des lieux de la récupération politique de la musique en mettant en relation deux visions différentes de son utilisation aux États-Unis / This thesis addresses the subject of the political employment of music by questioning the ambiguous relationship between propaganda and musical diplomacy during the Cold War. Focusing mainly on the musical production in the United States in the 1950s, this study examines the strategies adopted by both jazz and classical musicians to criticize and denounce the discriminatory policies of this communist witch-hunt embodied by Republican Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957). It also shows how U.S. leaders have sought to promote American values by internationally promoting jazz as a democratic symbol, particularly against the Soviet Union. The first two chapters serve to set the stage: the first chapter provides a contextualized political and historical portrait of the Cold War – starting from the premise that it is rooted in the October 1917 Revolution –, and introduces the socio-political context of the 1950s by emphasizing the important influence that McCarthyism, the anti-communist political conception of Senator McCarthy had on American life. The second chapter, also contextualizing, establishes the differences between American and Soviet cultural policies. This chapter introduces the Cultural Presentations program, the cultural exchange program funded by the Department of State, as well as the official cultural relations between the United States and the USSR from 1958 to 1985. The last two chapters focus on case studies to illustrate the socio-political impact on music life and productions in the 1950s. The third chapter discusses the presence of jazz in the Cultural Presentations program and traces the journey of four great jazz musicians who took part in the program to promote jazz internationally, while highlighting the irony of using African Americans as representatives of democracy in a segregated America. The fourth chapter deals specifically with the American operatic genre and the criticisms of McCarthyism in some works of this repertoire. Particular attention is paid to Leonard Bernstein’s (1918-1990) operetta Candide, due to the composer’s notorious political commitment and the explicitly political purpose of the work. This research aims to take stock of the political usage of music by linking two different visions of its use in the United States.

An der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig läuft seit September 2009 ein von dem Haushalt des Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Kultur und Medien gefördertes Projekt zur Ermittlung von NS-Raubgut in den Beständen der UB Leipzig. Es beinhaltet die Ermittlung der ehemaligen Besitzer der Bücher, sofern dies über individuelle Merkmale möglich ist. Es wird von einer Gesamtzahl von ca. 6.000 Titeln ausgegangen, die in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus unrechtmäßig erworben wurden. Nach Abschluss des Projektes sollen die Ergebnisse in einer Ausstellung der Öffentlichkeit bekannt gemacht werden.

This master's diploma thesis discusses the mechanisms by which the Slovak public television talent show Zem spieva (2017) creates the concept of folklore perfor- mance as a means of building and expressing national identity. This thesis also discusses the mechanisms by which the show creates a platform for negotiating the criteria of high standard folklore performance which should present a consistent reconstruction of tradition. These two effects of the show Zem spieva are in this thesis perceived as conceptually conflicting: on the one hand, there are essentialist ideas about the genetic predisposition of members of the Slovak nation for folklore performance; on the other hand, there are doctrines focused on the reconstruction of the tradition on the folklore stage. These doctrines are followed by an expert jury composed of prominent members of the folklore community. This thesis argues that the concept of performing folklore on stage perceived as an intellectual problem of the reconstruction of tradition is in the show subversive and therefore gradually replaced by emotionally and patriotically defined criteria of high quality folklore performance. This preferred measure preserves cultural cohesion in terms of sa- tisfying the needs of the mass audience. Following the conflict of the mentioned...

This thesis named "Anti-Americanism and Canadian Cultural Policy (1928-1957)" examines how Canadian federal government cultural policies were influenced by a specific form of anti-Americanism, which reflected concerns over Americanization and cultural absorption by the United States, in this formative period for the development of a distinct national identity during the time of Canada's colony-to-nation transition. The chosen research design is interpretative content analysis of the reports of two Canadian royal commissions commonly known as the Aird Commission (1928-1929) and the Massey Commission (1949-1951). The aim of this thesis is to identify the main factors and incentives for a policy of government intervention in the field of culture and to assess the role of anti-Americanism as a response to what was perceived as American cultural invasion that threatened the development of a distinct Canadian culture. The theoretical framework contains a discussion about different forms of anti-Americanism, with emphasis on its unique nature in Canada, and introduces the concept of cultural imperialism which helps us to better understand Canadian opposition to American cultural influences in the examined period.

This thesis describes the phenomenon of alternative culture in public policy. The first part seeks to define what alternative culture means and builds on the research mainly from sociology and cultural studies. Very useful are then specific theory of social deviance, the theory of subcultures and postsubcultures. At the same time, the paper looks into the past, before 1989, when the alternative culture phenomenon was clearly defined, standing outside the mainstream culture and the alternative culture was illegal. Through the analysis of some events and political cases from the recent past, there could be seen both differences between alternative culture and an attitude to it before 1989, but also some important parallels with the current situation of alternative culture. Alternative culture is later specified by current alternative underground subcultures: freetekno - DIY, squatting and street art. In the case of these three controversial subcultures, the paper deals with an attitude of public policy to these subcultures through the extremism policy. The next part the paper deals with the contemporary cultural politics in the country. Briefly, it describes and outlines the current situation and possible areas for innovation in the context of alternative culture. In the last phase this thesis deals...