Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camilo Rogerio Lara Guimaraes.pdf: 3397543 bytes, checksum: 4843e11b3c1c72b8e1428c4d8152b970 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-18 / This dissertation covers the study of different project and management initiatives for the implementation of a municipal scope cultural policy, as well as the understanding of what they mean in the social and political contexts they fit in. The research was about the cultural policy conducted from 1993 to 2008 by the municipal public sector in Belo Horizonte, the capital city of Minas Gerais State. Its specific object covered the management bodies' actions responsible for the Municipal cultural area during the above period the Cultural Municipal Office and the Cultural Municipal Foundation. One searched to apprehend the relation between State and Culture through the analysis of the intervention strategies which gathered state institutional efforts and resources, as well as the economic and political interests underlying these strategies. In this sense, one considered, at first, the comprehension of the public dimensions of cultural policies, implementing them in contexts of tensions and conflicts, in which multiple significations and interests are at stake. Considering that the municipal cultural policy of Belo Horizonte is not characterized by a single directional profile, one points out the several political-cultural perspectives and actions that outlined cultural management implemented from the perspective of, on one side, the cultural and urban entrepreneurship , and on the other, cultural rights / Esta dissertação compreende o estudo dos diferentes projetos e agenciamento de iniciativas para implementação de uma política cultural no âmbito municipal, bem como da compreensão de suas significações nos contextos político-sociais em que se inserem. Tratou-se de pesquisa sobre a política cultural, que se estendeu de 1993 a 2008, encetada pelo poder público municipal na cidade de Belo Horizonte, capital do Estado de Minas Gerais. Seu objeto mais específico compreendeu a atuação dos órgãos gestores, responsáveis pela área cultural da Prefeitura Municipal, no período a Secretaria Municipal de Cultura, e a Fundação Municipal de Cultura. Buscou-se apreender a relação entre Estado e Cultura pela análise das estratégias de intervenção que aglutinou esforços, recursos institucionais estatais, e interesses políticos e econômicos subjacentes às estas estratégias. Nesta direção, partiu-se do entendimento das dimensões públicas de uma política cultural, inserindo-a num contexto de tensões e conflitos, em que se disputam interesses e significados múltiplos. Considerando-se que a política cultural municipal de Belo Horizonte não se caracteriza pelo perfil unidirecional, colocam-se em relevo as várias faces e ações político-culturais que delinearam uma gestão cultural, inserida, por um lado, na perspectiva do empreendedorismo urbano e cultural e, por outro, na perspectiva dos direitos culturais

This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues. / This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony. / 肖文明. / Adviser: Hoi-man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xiao Wenming.

Neste trabalho procuramos compreender as razões que levaram a elaboração da Política Nacional de Cultura no período do governo Geisel. Procuramos, também, esclarecer sua relação com a Doutrina da Ação Política da Escola Superior de Guerra. Nele procuramos explicitar e entender o contexto histórico em que tal política pública foi adotada, suas relações com a estratégia política mais ampla que o governo procurava implementar, ou seja, com o processo de abertura política. Desta forma, procuramos relacionar o lançamento do programa com o momento político, econômico e social que vivia o país. Procuramos também apreender os objetivos da Política Nacional de Cultura, relacionando-a com a Doutrina da Escola Superior de Guerra, que se caracteriza por ser um projeto nacional para o desenvolvimento do Brasil nos moldes defendidos pelas Forças Armadas. / In this work we tried to understand the reasons that took the elaboration of the National Politics of Culture in the government’s period Geisel. We sought also to clear your relationship with the Doctrine of the Political Action of the Superior School of War. In him we sought and to understand the historical context in that such a public politics was adopted, your relationships with the strategic wider politics than the government tried to implement, in other words, with the process of political opening. This way, we tried to relate the release of the program with the political moment, economic and social that the country lived. We also tried to apprehend the objectives of the National Politics of Culture, relating it with the Doctrine of the Superior School of War, that is characterized by being a national project for the development of Brazil in the protected molds for the armed forces.

Neste trabalho procuramos compreender as razões que levaram a elaboração da Política Nacional de Cultura no período do governo Geisel. Procuramos, também, esclarecer sua relação com a Doutrina da Ação Política da Escola Superior de Guerra. Nele procuramos explicitar e entender o contexto histórico em que tal política pública foi adotada, suas relações com a estratégia política mais ampla que o governo procurava implementar, ou seja, com o processo de abertura política. Desta forma, procuramos relacionar o lançamento do programa com o momento político, econômico e social que vivia o país. Procuramos também apreender os objetivos da Política Nacional de Cultura, relacionando-a com a Doutrina da Escola Superior de Guerra, que se caracteriza por ser um projeto nacional para o desenvolvimento do Brasil nos moldes defendidos pelas Forças Armadas. / In this work we tried to understand the reasons that took the elaboration of the National Politics of Culture in the government’s period Geisel. We sought also to clear your relationship with the Doctrine of the Political Action of the Superior School of War. In him we sought and to understand the historical context in that such a public politics was adopted, your relationships with the strategic wider politics than the government tried to implement, in other words, with the process of political opening. This way, we tried to relate the release of the program with the political moment, economic and social that the country lived. We also tried to apprehend the objectives of the National Politics of Culture, relating it with the Doctrine of the Superior School of War, that is characterized by being a national project for the development of Brazil in the protected molds for the armed forces.

Uppsatsen utreder populärmusikens ställning i den svenska kulturpolitiken med fokus på musikarrangörer. Bakgrunden består delvis i grundandet av riksförbundet Svensk Live och deras publikationer "Vi fortsätter spela pop (men vi håller på att dö)" och "Maktens Musik" som menar att delar av populärmusiken inte kan överleva eller utvecklas utan stöd. Stödet menar man att populärmusiken oftare nekas än andra genrer med en längre historia av att organisera sig och beviljas statliga stöd. Bakgrunden redogör även för musikvetenskaplig forskning och diskussioner kring begreppet "populärmusik" samt en historisk överblick av modern svensk kulturpolitik med musikarrangörer i fokus och ett redogörande för dagsläget utifrån rapporter från Myndighet för Kulturanalys och Kulturrådet. Populärmusik definieras utifrån Svensk Lives definition att begreppet innefattar all musik som inte är jazz eller konst-, folk- och världsmusik. Undersökningen görs genom en närläsning av hur sökande populärmusik-arrangörer motiverar sin rätt till medel i bidragsansökningar från 2007 och 2017 till Musikverket, Kulturrådet och Stockholms Kulturförvaltning. 2007 och 2017 jämförs för att notera eventuella skillnader då det tidigare kulturpolitiska målet om att motverka kommersialismens negativa verkningar togs bort 2009 och bildandet av Svensk Live 2017. För att komplettera och skapa underlag för diskussion undersöks även ansökningar från genrer som tillhör konstmusiken och jazzen. Även genrefördelningen undersöks genom att ta fram statistik över fördelning och hur den förändrats under samma tidsperiod. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att genrefördelningen skiljer sig mellan institutionerna, samt att populärmusikens del generellt sett har ökat i takt med ett ökat söktryck men att den generellt sett fortfarande får mindre än en majoritet av övriga genrer. Undersökningen visar att argumentationen från populärmusiken har förändrats mellan 2007 och 2017 samt att den skiljer sig från övriga genrer genom att generellt sett motivera med fler utommusikaliska aspekter och värden samt ett större behov att hävda icke-kommersialism. 2017 riktar man även kritik mot bidragsgivarna och visar i flera exempel på inflytande från Svensk Lives publikationer och opinionsdrivning som bland annat menar att "s k pop ska ses som kultur". Utifrån resultatet görs en analys och diskussion grundad i Pierre Bourdieus teorier om fält samt kulturproduktionsfältet två värdepoler där den ekonomiska setts som negativ och kulturella positiv. Begreppen populär- och konstmusik diskuteras med fokus på dess historiska konnotationer betydelse för ansökningarna samt hur begreppen ställs på tvären när ett ökat söktryck tyder på att en del av populärmusiken inte längre är tillräckligt kommersiell för att överleva utan stöd. Paralleller dras till hur jazzen gick från populärmusikalisk genre till konstmusikalisk status när den tappade sin popularitet och hur samma utveckling just nu håller på att ske med delar av den undersökta populärmusiken.

From the 1990s onwards the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) adopted a range of interactive multimedia activities: CD-ROM, web publishing, datacasting and interactive television. Drawing on extensive primary research, this thesis explores why the ABC pursued an interactive multimedia program under a neo-liberal rationality and how online publishing in particular has impacted on its role as a public service broadcaster. Drawing on neo-Foucauldian governmentality theory and Scott Lash’s critique of information, the thesis examines how the ABC operates as a technology of government in the transition to an informational society. While it considers the ABC as a localised, specific form of public service broadcasting, many of the findings have importance for analysis within the broader field of state intervention in media markets. It demonstrates that networked interactive multimedia are a communications strategy appropriate to the governance of a globally implicated market-state during a period of informationalisation – characterised by increased symbolic flows, spatial and temporal compression, decontextualised and disorderly relations of information. Public service media will transition this period, characterised by rapid social change and institutional upheaval, where they can incorporate and exploit the informational relations that threaten to diminish their utility as governmental assemblage. It finds that while ABC executives used technological change to adapt to the enterprise focus of neo-liberal government, the corporation was simultaneously transformed by disorganisational influences pursuing an ethics of internetworking. Contrary to Lash’s ideal schema of institutional decline, disorganisation – embodied in the ad hoc, program-maker led push for internet access and publishing – can become a force for organisational renewal. This is observable in the development of ABC Online, a public access web service. The conclusion drawn from ABC Online’s emergence is that the era of digitalisation exposes the ABC as a mutable object, a flexible strategy of national communications governance. It is not exclusively tied to a technical system, such as radio or television, or a practice such as broadcasting. Interactive multimedia such as ABC Online may help the ABC to readdress its contradictory political rationale – the call to represent a coherent national identity in the face of infinite lived diversity – and play a new role in connecting and engaging its users.This thesis re-examines that role in light of Lash’s observations about the nature of informational power. It explores at length the response to a new self-governing, performative subject, the user of interactive multimedia technology. The user, unlike the audience, is visible, often vocal and social. She negotiates both the space of a multimedia object and dialogic interactions within that space. Her exemplary expertise may rival that of the ABC’s program-makers. This analysis indicates that in response to informational phenomena, the ABC has reconceived its space of government, its pedagogy and its production of citizenship in order to remain an effective expression of governmentality. An online ABC may act as a mediatory, contextualising strategy that helps users negotiate the construction and function of difference. It may also be altered by user knowledge. These relations are possible, although preliminary in this research, while the ABC remains wedded to the more disciplinary relations of broadcasting. The implication is that a digitally networked ABC should not be a self-enclosed institution. It is part of an informational network: a multi-sector innovation system. It should not be divorced from its public or the market except in its ethics of exchange. It is a technology that through its technocultural relations socialises, is shaped by and melds with its sometimes unruly user/citizens. It influences, is influenced by and is part of a volatile mediascape. The ABC is organisation and disorganisation, the rigidity of the one generating the other and then being reincorporated, in a cycle of institutional and industrial change.

<p>Inbjuden av Gustaf III, den franska teaterdekoratören, konstnären och arkitekten Louis Jean Desprez, i Sverige 1784-1804, förnyade teaterdekorationen på Operan. Genom att analysera Desprez’ teaterdekorationer med inspiration från de abstrakta konstnärerna Mondrian, Malevich och Rothko, utvecklar uppsatsen ett nytt tolkningssystem som tillsammans med traditionell tolkning innebär en djupare tolkningsmetod. Detta visar att Desprez’ teaterdekorationer var viktiga för Gustaf III:s kulturpolitik</p> / <p>Invited by king Gustaf III, the French artist stage painter Louis Jean Desprez, in Sweden 1784-1804, renewed Opera stage painting.Lillemor Erlander1Inspired by abstract artists Mondrian, Malevich and Rothko, in analyzing the stage painting of Desprez, this paper develops a new system of interpretation which together with traditional interpretation signifies a new deeper method of interpretation. This shows that the stage painting of Desprez was of importance to the cultural policy of Gustaf III.</p>

Inbjuden av Gustaf III, den franska teaterdekoratören, konstnären och arkitekten Louis Jean Desprez, i Sverige 1784-1804, förnyade teaterdekorationen på Operan. Genom att analysera Desprez’ teaterdekorationer med inspiration från de abstrakta konstnärerna Mondrian, Malevich och Rothko, utvecklar uppsatsen ett nytt tolkningssystem som tillsammans med traditionell tolkning innebär en djupare tolkningsmetod. Detta visar att Desprez’ teaterdekorationer var viktiga för Gustaf III:s kulturpolitik / Invited by king Gustaf III, the French artist stage painter Louis Jean Desprez, in Sweden 1784-1804, renewed Opera stage painting.Lillemor Erlander1Inspired by abstract artists Mondrian, Malevich and Rothko, in analyzing the stage painting of Desprez, this paper develops a new system of interpretation which together with traditional interpretation signifies a new deeper method of interpretation. This shows that the stage painting of Desprez was of importance to the cultural policy of Gustaf III.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration