This thesis is concerned with placing public art within the broader modernist spatialisation of social relations. The research takes place around two related enquiries. The first emerges from questions raised by the art critic Rosalyn Deutsche with regard to the proposition that public art functions as both a profession and technology that attempts to pattern space so that docile and useful bodies are created by and deployed within it. Following such questions, this thesis seeks to scrutinise the ways in which discourses on public art might operate in enabling, maintaining or disrupting everyday practices and socio-spatial relations. Secondly, as a foray into methodologies of public art research, the thesis considers Foucauldian governmentality approaches in terms of what these might have to offer an investigation of public art. The thesis undertakes the analysis of a wide range of texts connected with three South Australian urban developments for which public art was separately proposed, designed, selected and installed. Attention is given principally to the Rundle Street Mall, a pedestrianised shopping street in the city-centre of Adelaide, examined at several moments throughout the period of its development (1972-1977) and later refurbishment (1996-2001). Also discussed are the Adelaide Festival Centre Plaza (1973-1977) and the Gateway to Adelaide (1996-2000), the latter project involving the reconstruction of a major traffic intersection on the outskirts of metropolitan Adelaide. Through these examples the thesis documents key debates in the history of Australian discourses concerning public art. In addition, this study brings attention to the relations between artwork and a proliferation of individuals, agencies, and other interests, highlighting the competitions over space, authority and expertise, and the often unexamined role that public art plays in maintaining or unsettling socio-spatial relations. Knowledge about public art, it is argued, is produced, transformed and deployed across a range of discursive sites (contemporary art, urban design, planning, transport and others) and becomes tied to specific problems of governing. / Thesis (PhD)--University of South Australia, 2008

From the 1990s onwards the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) adopted a range of interactive multimedia activities: CD-ROM, web publishing, datacasting and interactive television. Drawing on extensive primary research, this thesis explores why the ABC pursued an interactive multimedia program under a neo-liberal rationality and how online publishing in particular has impacted on its role as a public service broadcaster. Drawing on neo-Foucauldian governmentality theory and Scott Lash’s critique of information, the thesis examines how the ABC operates as a technology of government in the transition to an informational society. While it considers the ABC as a localised, specific form of public service broadcasting, many of the findings have importance for analysis within the broader field of state intervention in media markets. It demonstrates that networked interactive multimedia are a communications strategy appropriate to the governance of a globally implicated market-state during a period of informationalisation – characterised by increased symbolic flows, spatial and temporal compression, decontextualised and disorderly relations of information. Public service media will transition this period, characterised by rapid social change and institutional upheaval, where they can incorporate and exploit the informational relations that threaten to diminish their utility as governmental assemblage. It finds that while ABC executives used technological change to adapt to the enterprise focus of neo-liberal government, the corporation was simultaneously transformed by disorganisational influences pursuing an ethics of internetworking. Contrary to Lash’s ideal schema of institutional decline, disorganisation – embodied in the ad hoc, program-maker led push for internet access and publishing – can become a force for organisational renewal. This is observable in the development of ABC Online, a public access web service. The conclusion drawn from ABC Online’s emergence is that the era of digitalisation exposes the ABC as a mutable object, a flexible strategy of national communications governance. It is not exclusively tied to a technical system, such as radio or television, or a practice such as broadcasting. Interactive multimedia such as ABC Online may help the ABC to readdress its contradictory political rationale – the call to represent a coherent national identity in the face of infinite lived diversity – and play a new role in connecting and engaging its users.This thesis re-examines that role in light of Lash’s observations about the nature of informational power. It explores at length the response to a new self-governing, performative subject, the user of interactive multimedia technology. The user, unlike the audience, is visible, often vocal and social. She negotiates both the space of a multimedia object and dialogic interactions within that space. Her exemplary expertise may rival that of the ABC’s program-makers. This analysis indicates that in response to informational phenomena, the ABC has reconceived its space of government, its pedagogy and its production of citizenship in order to remain an effective expression of governmentality. An online ABC may act as a mediatory, contextualising strategy that helps users negotiate the construction and function of difference. It may also be altered by user knowledge. These relations are possible, although preliminary in this research, while the ABC remains wedded to the more disciplinary relations of broadcasting. The implication is that a digitally networked ABC should not be a self-enclosed institution. It is part of an informational network: a multi-sector innovation system. It should not be divorced from its public or the market except in its ethics of exchange. It is a technology that through its technocultural relations socialises, is shaped by and melds with its sometimes unruly user/citizens. It influences, is influenced by and is part of a volatile mediascape. The ABC is organisation and disorganisation, the rigidity of the one generating the other and then being reincorporated, in a cycle of institutional and industrial change.

From the 1990s onwards the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) adopted a range of interactive multimedia activities: CD-ROM, web publishing, datacasting and interactive television. Drawing on extensive primary research, this thesis explores why the ABC pursued an interactive multimedia program under a neo-liberal rationality and how online publishing in particular has impacted on its role as a public service broadcaster. Drawing on neo-Foucauldian governmentality theory and Scott Lash’s critique of information, the thesis examines how the ABC operates as a technology of government in the transition to an informational society. While it considers the ABC as a localised, specific form of public service broadcasting, many of the findings have importance for analysis within the broader field of state intervention in media markets. It demonstrates that networked interactive multimedia are a communications strategy appropriate to the governance of a globally implicated market-state during a period of informationalisation – characterised by increased symbolic flows, spatial and temporal compression, decontextualised and disorderly relations of information. Public service media will transition this period, characterised by rapid social change and institutional upheaval, where they can incorporate and exploit the informational relations that threaten to diminish their utility as governmental assemblage. It finds that while ABC executives used technological change to adapt to the enterprise focus of neo-liberal government, the corporation was simultaneously transformed by disorganisational influences pursuing an ethics of internetworking. Contrary to Lash’s ideal schema of institutional decline, disorganisation – embodied in the ad hoc, program-maker led push for internet access and publishing – can become a force for organisational renewal. This is observable in the development of ABC Online, a public access web service. The conclusion drawn from ABC Online’s emergence is that the era of digitalisation exposes the ABC as a mutable object, a flexible strategy of national communications governance. It is not exclusively tied to a technical system, such as radio or television, or a practice such as broadcasting. Interactive multimedia such as ABC Online may help the ABC to readdress its contradictory political rationale – the call to represent a coherent national identity in the face of infinite lived diversity – and play a new role in connecting and engaging its users.This thesis re-examines that role in light of Lash’s observations about the nature of informational power. It explores at length the response to a new self-governing, performative subject, the user of interactive multimedia technology. The user, unlike the audience, is visible, often vocal and social. She negotiates both the space of a multimedia object and dialogic interactions within that space. Her exemplary expertise may rival that of the ABC’s program-makers. This analysis indicates that in response to informational phenomena, the ABC has reconceived its space of government, its pedagogy and its production of citizenship in order to remain an effective expression of governmentality. An online ABC may act as a mediatory, contextualising strategy that helps users negotiate the construction and function of difference. It may also be altered by user knowledge. These relations are possible, although preliminary in this research, while the ABC remains wedded to the more disciplinary relations of broadcasting. The implication is that a digitally networked ABC should not be a self-enclosed institution. It is part of an informational network: a multi-sector innovation system. It should not be divorced from its public or the market except in its ethics of exchange. It is a technology that through its technocultural relations socialises, is shaped by and melds with its sometimes unruly user/citizens. It influences, is influenced by and is part of a volatile mediascape. The ABC is organisation and disorganisation, the rigidity of the one generating the other and then being reincorporated, in a cycle of institutional and industrial change.

Ce travail étudie les liens qui relient la critique dramatique à une forme d’engagement politique dont certaines revues généralistes ont été porteuses du milieu des années 1960 au début des années 1980, à partir d’un corpus d’articles parus dans Les Temps modernes, Esprit et La Quinzaine Littéraire, dont la plupart sont respectivement signés par Renée Saurel, Alfred Simon et Gilles Sandier. La politisation de cette critique se manifeste dans laconception qu’elle professe du rôle du théâtre dans la société, dans les critères qu’elle applique à l’analyse des spectacles, dans sa participation aux débats des milieux artistiques et intellectuels, mais aussi dans l’acte même de l’écriture. La critique théâtrale pratiquée dans ces revues tend à se distinguer à la fois de la chronique journalistique et ducommentaire savant. Si sa périodicité lui permet de suivre l’actualité de la scène française (et surtout celle du théâtre public parisien), elle entend rompre avec le modèle traditionnel du compte-Rendu journalistique effectué sur un mode impressioniste. Elle tente d’expliciter ses critères de jugement en les rapportant aux problèmes théoriques soulevés par le marxisme, le brechtisme ou encore le structuralisme. Pour ce faire, elle s’ouvre à de nouveaux domaines de controverse comme celui des politiques culturelles. Bien qu’elle reconnaisse un certain degré d’autonomie aux questions esthétiques, elle considère l’écriture et la mise en scène au prisme de l’efficacité politique, en vue de promouvoir un théâtre véritablement populaire. Support matériel et instance symbolique, la revue constitue un lieu propice pour une critique alliant la revendication politique à l’exigence de savoir. / This research project aims to analyse the links between drama critique and political commitment, manifest in a number of reviews from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s. This investigation focuses on a corpus of articles published in Les Temps Modernes, Esprit and La Quinzaine Littéraire, most often signed by, respectively, Renée Saurel, AlfredSimon, and Gilles Sandier. This critique’s politicisation is most evident in four main areas, namely: its conception of the social function of theatre; in the selected criteria used to analyse performances; in its active involvment in the artistic and intellectual debates of the time; as well as in the very act of critical writing. The particular form of theatre critique emerging from these reviews tends to differ both from the journalistic column and from the scholarly commentary. These reviews’ publishing frequency allows this form of critique toremain topical in regards to contemporary french (and particularly public parisian) theatre; however, these texts also seek to break away from the traditional model of the theatre review and its impressionist mode. This critical movement attempts to explicate its criteria of appraisal by basing itself on the theoretical issues raised by Marxism, brechtism and/or structuralism. In so doing, it opens up its focus to include new controversial areas, such as debates on cultural policies. Despite aknowledging some form of autonomy to aesthetic issues, this critique analyses writing and mise-En-Scène through the lens of political efficiency, as a means to develop a genuine popular theatre. These reviews, considered here both as materialised spaces for intellectual debate and as objects of symbolic authority, become fertile loci in which to foster a new form of critique aiming to combine the development of theoretical frameworks with political commitment.

In Scotland, as the UK and internationally, publicly funded cultural organisations face a precarious future, characterised by funding cuts and a growing need to justify investments. This practical need to understand and articulate the importance of cultural resources has underpinned an intense debate in the field of cultural studies, about the nature of cultural value and the best methodological tools to explore it. The appropriateness of relying upon cultural strategies to pursue urban development and regeneration has also been subject to extensive discussions in the field of urban studies. This study approaches these problems through mixed-methods, comparative case studies set in Edinburgh and Dundee. This research employs Contingent Valuation (CV) in combination with focus groups. It provides a contextualised understanding of the diverging notions of culture emerging in the two cities. A higher valuation for culture was registered in Edinburgh, with stronger preference for museums and performing arts. In Dundee, higher importance was placed on community-based activities. These patterns are linked to the mix of demographic and socio-economic backgrounds characterising each city. Therefore, this study highlights a need for a tailored approach to cultural valuation and cultural policy, in contrast with the tendency for these to be implemented on a one-size-fit-all basis. The study also concludes that greater consideration is needed for the intangible and non-use related elements of cultural value, reinforcing a dominant critique in the literature. In addition, it highlights potential for negative sides to the impacts of cultural activities. Examples include issues of gentrification and displacement. Their inclusion is shown to be neglected in the typologies of value predominantly associated with culture, pointing at the need for their amendment. Finally, this study shows the use of CV alongside qualitative methods to be particularly advantageous in overcoming the dichotomous approach characterising this debate. The study avoided the single monetary valuation strongly rejected within the cultural sector, while still managing to yield grounded insight that is potentially valuable for policy-makers.

This study examines the relationship, or lack thereof, between cultural policy and development at the local government sphere in South Africa and, ascertains the extent to which the City of Tswane Metropolitan Municipality (CTMM), as the focus of the case study, involves culture in its development framework. The research is informed by an observation from internationa best- practices that local government, as a sphere of governance closect to the people, is one of the best platforms on which the centrality of culture in the development matrix of any country is located and upheld. The research was arranged in three sections or phases, namely: exploration, discovery and the consolidation. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil.

O presente estudo se propõe a uma análise que parte do Cinema Novo, no início dos anos 1960, atravessando todo o período da Ditadura Militar até chegar à extinção da Embrafilme (1990), no governo Collor (1990-1992), procurando compreender como o campo cinematográfico constituiu uma arena de representações de imagens em movimento, disputada por agentes sociais pela obtenção da produção hegemônica das imagens cinematográficas da nação. De um lado, o Cinema Novo, com uma perspectiva cultural nacionalista, e de outro, a política cultural governamental do Estado autoritário e também nacionalista, promotor de uma modernização econômica, e entre elas, outros agentes cinematográficos (exibidores, distribuidores, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, filmes estrangeiros entre outros) interagindo na luta pelo predomínio no processo de produção de filmes que construíam a identidade nacional no campo cinematográfico. Entremeada de contradições, envolvendo concepções sobre cultura popular e cultura de massa, a produção cinematográfica brasileira expressava o conjunto dos projetos em disputa considerando a questão nacional e a cultura popular. O resultado foi uma rica diversidade cinematográfica. / The present study proposes an analysis which ranges from Cinema Novo, in the beginning of the 1960s, covers the years of the military dictatorship and eventually reaches the demise of Embrafilme (1990), during the Collor years (1990-1992), trying to understand how cinema became an arena of representations of moving images, contended by different social agents in their attempt to obtain the hegemonic production of the cinematographic images of the nation. On one side, Cinema Novo, with a nationalist cultural perspective, and, on the other, the official cultural policy of the authoritarian and nationalist State too, which was promoting an economic modernization of the Nation, and, between them, other cinematographic agents (exhibitors, distributors, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, foreign movies among others) interacting in the fight for the preponderance in the process of producing movies which would constitute the national identity in the cinematographic field. Brimming with contradictions, involving conceptions about popular culture and mass culture, the Brazilian cinematographic production expressed the sum of the projects in contention taking into account the issues of the national question and popular culture. The result was a rich cinematographic diversity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:18:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rica A.pdf: 60295 bytes, checksum: b02941d27c1b34333cfecc842d8470d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aimed to propose a complementary model of fundraising, using the contemporary method called Crowdfunding, in order to enhance the cultural policies and democratize the decision-making process of decision making about the use of public resources Brazilian State, with participation and social control, in harmony with the Brazilian Law. The research strategy used is multicase study, die predominantly qualitative and descriptive, procedural, contextual insight, using the method of historical-interpretive research. Data were collected through documentary research collection in regards to national and international affairs proposed, unstructured interviews with cultural entrepreneurs and by participant observation at conferences, meetings of the national cultural sector, with direct observation and the theoretical and practical pertaining to Cultural Rights, Public Cultural Policies, Creative Economy, Cultural Entrepreneurship, Virtual Organizations and Crowdfunding, in order to subsidize the contextualist analysis provided by the method of Pettigrew (1987). The analysis of the process of change occurring in the emergence of methodologies capture Rouanet and Crowdfunding was made by classifying and grouping the strategic agents, enabling the identification of the following dimensions of change: Brazilian State, Cultural Entrepreneurs, Organizations and Society civil. Based upon the results, it was proposed a platform for cultural funding directed to individuals able to promote the empowerment of civil society, with respect to national leadership in cultural production, particularly in defining the targets of application of public resources as the effectiveness of Brazilian cultural policies / O presente trabalho possui o objetivo de propor um modelo complementar de captação de recursos utilizando o método contemporâneo de financiamento colaborativo denominado Crowdfunding, visando potencializar as políticas públicas culturais bem como democratizar o processo decisório na resolução sobre a aplicação dos recursos públicos do Estado Brasileiro com participação e controle social, em harmonia com a Lei Rouanet. A estratégia de investigação utilizada é de estudo multicasos, de cunho predominantemente qualitativo e descritivo, em uma visão contextual-processual, utilizando-se do método de investigação histórico-interpretativo. Os dados foram coletados por meio de pesquisa documental no acervo nacional e internacional atinente aos assuntos propostos, de entrevistas não estruturadas com empreendedores culturais e pela observação participante em conferências, assembleias e reuniões do setor cultural nacional, além da observação direta e dos fundamentos teóricos e práticos concernentes aos Direitos Culturais, Políticas Públicas Culturais, Economia Criativa, Empreendedorismo Cultural, Organizações Virtuais, e Crowdfunding, no intuito de subsidiar a análise contextualista proporcionada pelo método de Pettigrew (1987). A análise do processo de mudança ocorrida no surgimento das metodologias de captação da Lei Rouanet e do Crowdfunding foi feita por meio da classificação e do agrupamento dos agentes estratégicos, possibilitando a identificação das seguintes dimensões de mudança: Estado, Empreendedores Culturais, Organizações e Sociedade Civil. Embasando-se no resultado disso, propôs-se uma plataforma de financiamento cultural direcionada às pessoas físicas, capaz de promover a emancipação da sociedade civil no que tange à tomada das rédeas da produção cultural nacional, em especial, na definição dos destinos de aplicação, tanto dos recursos públicos quanto da efetivação das políticas culturais brasileira

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:51:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 livia.pdf: 1739171 bytes, checksum: 79f0c24eccf17279fa13548a4539f2e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Knowing that the Teatro de Revista (Revue) is a genre that deals with current events, this study aims to analyze seven revue texts written between 1929 and 1945 to see if there was still political debate on the Revue of that period. The period Getulio Vargas was president was chosen as a temporal cut since its censorship is claimed responsible for the down fall of political contents on the Revue. Therefore, this project seeks to understand the laugh mechanisms used by the Revue authors in attempt to hoax the censorship. It intent also to point out the political themes discussed on the Revue texts to comprehend how the Teatro de Revista dealt with the political and social events it faced, such as the 1930 revolution, the Estado Novo coup and the World War II. The aesthetical changes the genre went through and the way it relates with the political changes the country experienced are also being studied here. The cultural policy created during the Estado Novo is being revisited to enable the uptake about its relation with the Teatro de Revista and it is asked if this genre was a part of the motion for the building of a so called Brazilian theatre / Sabendo que o Teatro de Revista é gênero que trabalha com a atualidade, o objetivo deste estudo é analisar sete textos revisteiros produzidos entre 1929 e 1945, de forma a perceber se ainda havia discussões políticas na Revista desse período. O governo de Getúlio Vargas foi escolhido como recorte temporal, pois a censura é responsabilizada pela derrocada do teor político no Teatro de Revista. Assim, busca-se entender que mecanismos do riso foram utilizados pelos autores revisteiros para burlar a censura. Intenta-se elencar a temática política discutida nos textos revisteiros para compreender como o Teatro de Revista lidava com os acontecimentos políticos e sociais que presenciava. Estão sob foco também as mudanças estéticas pelas quais o gênero passou e a forma como isso está relacionado com as mudanças políticas ocorridas simultaneamente no país, como a Revolução de 1930, o golpe do Estado Novo e a Segunda Guerra Mundial. A política cultural do Estado Novo é revisitada para possibilitar entendimento sobre sua relação com o Teatro de Revista e se esse gênero esteve inserido na proposta de construção de um teatro dito brasileiro

O presente estudo se propõe a uma análise que parte do Cinema Novo, no início dos anos 1960, atravessando todo o período da Ditadura Militar até chegar à extinção da Embrafilme (1990), no governo Collor (1990-1992), procurando compreender como o campo cinematográfico constituiu uma arena de representações de imagens em movimento, disputada por agentes sociais pela obtenção da produção hegemônica das imagens cinematográficas da nação. De um lado, o Cinema Novo, com uma perspectiva cultural nacionalista, e de outro, a política cultural governamental do Estado autoritário e também nacionalista, promotor de uma modernização econômica, e entre elas, outros agentes cinematográficos (exibidores, distribuidores, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, filmes estrangeiros entre outros) interagindo na luta pelo predomínio no processo de produção de filmes que construíam a identidade nacional no campo cinematográfico. Entremeada de contradições, envolvendo concepções sobre cultura popular e cultura de massa, a produção cinematográfica brasileira expressava o conjunto dos projetos em disputa considerando a questão nacional e a cultura popular. O resultado foi uma rica diversidade cinematográfica. / The present study proposes an analysis which ranges from Cinema Novo, in the beginning of the 1960s, covers the years of the military dictatorship and eventually reaches the demise of Embrafilme (1990), during the Collor years (1990-1992), trying to understand how cinema became an arena of representations of moving images, contended by different social agents in their attempt to obtain the hegemonic production of the cinematographic images of the nation. On one side, Cinema Novo, with a nationalist cultural perspective, and, on the other, the official cultural policy of the authoritarian and nationalist State too, which was promoting an economic modernization of the Nation, and, between them, other cinematographic agents (exhibitors, distributors, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, foreign movies among others) interacting in the fight for the preponderance in the process of producing movies which would constitute the national identity in the cinematographic field. Brimming with contradictions, involving conceptions about popular culture and mass culture, the Brazilian cinematographic production expressed the sum of the projects in contention taking into account the issues of the national question and popular culture. The result was a rich cinematographic diversity.