Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-05T11:46:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Mariana Nastari Siqueira.pdf: 1735856 bytes, checksum: e7b97bc10e0fd227a0a067164b08d073 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T11:46:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Mariana Nastari Siqueira.pdf: 1735856 bytes, checksum: e7b97bc10e0fd227a0a067164b08d073 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-09 / Decanato de Pesquisa e P?s-Gradua??o-UFRRJ / The present study attempts to address the conflict between the Brotherhood of St. Crispim and St. Crispiniano and the Chamber of Rio de Janeiro between 1764 and 1821, during which we could verify the aforementioned conflict. This conflict revolved around the street shoe trade, which sought to prohibit the brotherhood. Within this context, we seek to address such a fellowship as a brotherhood of office, wich had the organizational model of the mechanical crafts of the Kingdom as a parameter, but it was so specific, as long as it were part of a slave society. On the other hand, the period in discussion is highlighted, drawing attention to the continuities and discontinuities that was contained in it. Thus, there is the commitment of these shoemakers confreres in maintaining an institution that forged a monopolistic structure to a certain sector of the retail trade, this institution which found its legitimacy as a reference an array of Iberian corporatism. Thus, referring to the values and codes of the Ancient Regime, as a commitment to dissociate his office of the slavery, or as trying to keep "black lining" and "free mulatto" under their control, defining hierarchical gradations leading into account the criterion of color. At the same time, major changes were underway in the Portuguese Empire and the city of Rio de Janeiro, whether political, administrative, social, cultural, or in the framework of ideas (the Enlightenment, liberalism). Thus, in the twenties of the nineteenth century, the council members had become more firmly against the intention of St. Crispin?s cobblers in the prohibition of the trade in footwear through the streets of the city, which points to the adaptation and dissemination of the liberal ideas within the court itself and among the elite that made up the City Council, despite the social principles in hierarchies make sense also for this social segment. To the brothers of the Brotherhood of St. Crispim and St. Crispiniano, they only had to fight within the legal and institutional mechanisms that shaped itself to new times, but still had a strong element of continuity with the values and practices of the Ancient Regime, reported by Portugal. / O presente trabalho busca abordar o conflito entre a Irmandade de S. Crispim e S. Crispiniano e a C?mara do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1764 e 1821, per?odo em que se p?de verificar o mencionado conflito. O mesmo girava em torno do com?rcio ambulante de cal?ados, o qual a irmandade buscava proibir. Dentro deste contexto, procura-se abordar a referida irmandade como uma irmandade de of?cio, que tinha o modelo de organiza??o dos of?cios mec?nicos do Reino como par?metro, mas que se constituiu de forma espec?fica, j? que se inseria numa sociedade escravista. Por outro lado, destaca-se o per?odo abordado, chamando aten??o para as continuidades e descontinuidades que o mesmo comportava. Sendo assim, verifica-se o empenho desses confrades sapateiros na manuten??o de uma institui??o que forjava uma estrutura monopolista para determinado setor do com?rcio a varejo, institui??o esta que encontrava sua legitimidade tendo como refer?ncia uma matriz do corporativismo ib?rico. Desta maneira, remetiam-se a valores e c?digos de Antigo Regime, fosse no empenho em dissociarem o seu of?cio em rela??o ? escravid?o, fosse na tentativa de manterem ?pretos forros? e ?pardos livres? sob seu controle, definindo grada??es hier?rquicas que levavam em conta o crit?rio da cor. Ao mesmo tempo, mudan?as importantes encontravam-se em curso no ?mbito do Imp?rio Portugu?s e da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, fossem elas no campo pol?tico, administrativo, social, cultural, ou no campo das ideias (iluminismo, liberalismo). Assim, na d?cada de vinte do s?culo XIX, os vereadores apresentavam-se mais firmemente contra a inten??o dos sapateiros de S. Crispim em proibir o com?rcio de cal?ados pelas ruas da cidade, o que apontava para a dissemina??o e adapta??o das ideias liberais no seio da pr?pria corte e entre a elite que compunha a C?mara, n?o obstante os princ?pios sociais hierarquizantes fizessem sentido, igualmente, para este segmento social. Aos confrades da Irmandade de S. Crispim e S. Crispiniano, restava lutar no interior dos mecanismos legais e institucionais que se moldavam a novos tempos, mas que ainda guardavam uma forte componente de continuidade em rela??o aos valores e pr?ticas de Antigo Regime, comunicados por Portugal

This paper studies the evasion of TV license fees in Austria. We exploit border differentials to identify the effect of fees on evasion. Comparing municipalities at the low- and high-fee side of state borders reveals that higher fees trigger significantly more evasion. Our preferred estimator indicates that a one percent increase in fees raises the evasion rate by 0.3 percentage points. The positive effect of fees on evasion is confirmed in different parametric and non-parametric approaches and survives several robustness checks.

Do people acquire more information when they are obligated to participate in elections? This dissertation presents empirical evidence on the effects of compulsory voting laws on the consumption of TV news. In Brazil, the law determines that every literate citizen over the age of eighteen and under seventy at the day of the election is subject to a number of penalties if they don\'t attend the ballots. This provides a natural experiment which allows us to identify the causal effect of being under a compulsory voting regime on information acquisition. Using national survey data on the consumption of media we find that, for those who have been exposed to the law for the first time, compulsory voting has a significant and substantial positive impact on the probability of an individual to watch Brazil\'s main newscast, Rede Globo\'s Jornal Nacional. No impact is found, though, for citizens who transition from the voluntary to the compulsory voting regime when they reach the age of seventy. / Pessoas que são obrigadas a votar procuram fazer isso de maneira informada? Essa dissertação procura saber se a lei de voto obrigatório brasileira induz eleitores a consumirem mais informação via noticiários televisivos. Mais especificamente, procuramos saber se o consumo de informações via o noticiário Jornal Nacional, transmitido pela Rede Globo, aumenta em decorrência da exposição à lei. No Brasil, todo cidadão alfabetizado com idade maior que dezoito e menor que setenta anos está sujeito a uma série de punições caso se abstenha sem justificativa nas eleições. Isso gera um experimento natural que nos permite utilizar a técnica de regressão descontínua para recuperar o efeito causal dessa lei sobre o consumo de informação por parte dos eleitores. Encontramos um aumento de 10,4% na probabilidade do eleitor jovem assistir o programa Jornal Nacional que pode ser atribuído especificamente ao fato desse cidadão ser obrigado a votar. Nenhum efeito é encontrado para cidadãos que deixam de ser obrigados aos setenta anos de idade

Cette recherche est consacrée à l’instruction en Afrique de l’Est allemande (Deutsch-Ostafrika : DOA), devenue au lendemain de la Grande Guerre un mandat britannique, le Tanganyika Territory, au sein de la British East Africa (BEA). Ce changement aurait pu entraîner des ruptures dans la politique scolaire, en particulier à l’endroit des Africains qui constituaient la majorité de la population aux côtés des Arabo-Swahili, des Indiens et d’une minorité d’Européens. Or, une logique de laisser-faire a prévalu durant la domination britannique qui s’est exercée dans le cadre d’un indirect rule, avec des moyens insuffisants accordés à l’enseignement. La formation d’auxiliaires, d’une main-d’œuvre qualifiée et d’agents intermédiaires pour les besoins de la colonisation reste primordiale dans les objectifs de la scolarisation, comme au temps de la DOA. Et en situation coloniale, les Arabo-Swahili et les Indiens continuent de jouer un rôle déterminant. Mosaïque de sociétés et de langues, la question linguistique s’avère fondamentale dans les enjeux scolaires sur ce territoire. À ce propos, des débats et des tensions virent le jour entre les différents acteurs éducatifs. Néanmoins, le kiswahili demeura pendant toute la période coloniale et au-delà.Malgré les discours et les enquêtes en vue d’une amélioration et d’une adaptation de l’enseignement, l’instruction du plus grand nombre ne figure pas au programme des écoles gouvernementales, davantage attachées à la formation d’une élite, que ce soit dans la DOA ou au Tanganyika Territory. La prise en charge de ce volet de l’enseignement reste dévolue aux établissements confessionnels tenus par les missionnaires, dont certains étaient présents depuis les dernières décennies du XIXème siècle. Mais les missionnaires poursuivent comme objectif essentiel l’évangélisation. La Seconde Guerre mondiale marque cependant une rupture dans la politique scolaire. Les associations et partis nationalistes, principalement la Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), s’approprient la question de l’instruction, surtout celle des Africains, pour préparer l’accession à l’indépendance. Ce pays si divers trouvera son unité grâce au chemin parcouru, souvent sinueux, pour adopter une langue commune africaine, le kiswahili, généralisé à l’époque coloniale allemande et à un homme, Julius Nyerere, qui va faire de l’instruction une priorité nationale. / This research is devoted to education in German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika : DOA), which became Tanganyika Territory as a part of the British East Africa (BEA) in the aftermath of the Great War. This transition could have resulted in a discontinuity of school policy, particularly with regard to Africans who formed the majority of the population alongside Arabo-Swahili, Indians and a minority of Europeans. Instead, a strategy of laissez-faire prevailed during the British rule, which was a style of Indirect Rule that allotted insufficient means to education. The educational priorities, like at the time of DOA, were rather to train auxiliaries, create a skilled workforce and reinforce the intermediaries for the purpose of colonization. But even in this colonial context, Arabo-Swahili and Indians continued to play a decisive role. As a mosaic of societies and languages, the question of language proved pivotal in the educational discussions of the territory. Debates and tensions thus emerged between various educational actors; and yet, the Kiswahili persisted throughout the entire colonial period and beyond.Despite speeches and investigations meant to improve and adapt the educational system, education for the majority was not part of the program of government schools. These schools were far more concerned with training an elite during the German and British colonial periods. Education for the minorities was provided by religious schools run by the missionaries, some of them having existed since the last decades of the 19th century. Missionaries pursued evangelism as their main objective. However, World War II marked a rupture in school policy. Nationalist associations and parties, mainly the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), appropriated the issues of education, especially African education, to prepare for independence. This diverse country finally achieved unity thanks to two factors: one, the efforts to adopt a common African language, Kiswahili, which was generalized during the German colonial era, and two, a man named Julius Nyerere, who made education a national priority. / Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit der Schulausbildung in Deutsch-Ostafrika (DOA). Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg wurde das Tanganyika Territory, unter britisches Mandat gestellt, als Teil des Verbundes des British East Africa (BEA). Diese Zäsur brachte Umbrüche in der Schulpolitik mit sich, insbesondere für die afrikanische Bevölkerung, welche die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung stellten, vor arabischen Swahili, Indern und der europäischen Minderheit. Dennoch war die Zeit der britischen Vorherrschaft, im Rahmen der indirect rule, von einer Logik des Laisser-faire geprägt, und für die Ausbildung standen nur unzureichende Mittel zur Verfügung. Auch in dieser Zeit, wie auch schon während der deutschen Kolonialisation, blieb die Ausbildung von Hilfspersonal, qualifizierten Arbeitskräften und mittleren Verwaltungs-beamten das vornehmliche Ziel der Schulbildung. Unter den britischen Kolonialherren spielten weiterhin die arabischen Swahili und Inder eine wichtige Rolle. In diesem Puzzle aus verschiedenen Gesellschaften und Sprachen auf diesem Territorium war hinsichtlich schulischer Belangen die Frage nach dem Erlernen der Sprachen von fundamentaler Bedeutung. Diesbezüglich kam es zu Auseinandersetzungen und Spannungen zwischen den verschiedenen Akteuren der schulischen Bildung. Trotzem blieb das Kiswahili während der gesamten Kolonialzeit und auch über diese Zeit hinaus die vorherrschende Sprache.Trotz vieler Reden und Studien im Hinblick auf die Verbesserung und Anpassung des Unterrichts, das Unterrichten der Hauptzahl der Bevölkerung war nicht Ziel von der Regierung eingerichteten Schulen, die vornehmlich der Ausbildung der Elite dienten, sowohl unter der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft, als unter britischem Mandat. Das Unterrichten der anderen Bevölkerungskreise wurde konfessionnell getragenen Schulen überlassen, die von Missionaren geleitet wurden, die teilweise seit dem ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert auf dem Territorium anwesend gewesen sind. Deren Hauptziel war jedoch die Mission. Der Zweite Weltkrieg bringt dennoch eine Zäsur in der Schulpolitik mit sich. Vereinigungen und nationalistische Parteien, insbesondere die Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), machen sich die Frage der Schulbildung, insbesondere die der afrikanischen Bevölkerung, zu eigen, mit dem Ziel des Erlangens der Unabhängigkeit. Dieses sehr vielseitige Land wird seine Einheit in dem gemeinsam beschrittenen, verschlugenen Weg finden in der Wahl einer gemeinsamen afrikanischen Sprache, dem Kiswahili, das während der deutschen Kolonialzeit durchgesetzt wurde, und durch Julius Nyerere, der die Schulbildung zu einer Frage von nationaler Wichtigkeit machte.

Population projections for sub-Saharan Africa have, over the past decade, been corrected upwards because in a number of countries, the earlier declining trends in fertility stalled around 2000. While most studies so far have focused on economic, political, or other factors around 2000, here we suggest that in addition to those period effects, the phenomenon also matched up with disruptions in the cohort trends of educational attainment of women after the postindependence economic and political turmoil. Disruptions likely resulted in a higher proportion of poorly educated women of childbearing age in the late 1990s and early 2000s than there would have been otherwise. In addition to the direct effects of education on lowering fertility, these less-educated female cohorts were also more vulnerable to adverse period effects around 2000. To explore this hypothesis, we combine individual-level data from Demographic and Health Surveys for 18 African countries with and without fertility stalls, thus creating a pooled dataset of more than two million births to some 670,000 women born from 1950 to 1995 by level of education. Statistical analyses indicate clear discontinuities in the improvement of educational attainment of subsequent cohorts of women and stronger sensitivity of less-educated women to period effects. We assess the magnitude of the effect of educational discontinuity through a comparison of the actual trends with counterfactual trends based on the assumption of no education stalls, resulting in up to half a child per woman less in 2010 and 13 million fewer live births over the 1995-2010 period.

In chapter 1, we present some background knowledge about random matrices, Coulomb gas, orthogonal polynomials, asymptotics of planar orthogonal polynomials and the Riemann-Hilbert problem. In chapter 2, we consider the monic orthogonal polynomials, $\{P_{n,N}(z)\}_{n=0,1,\cdots},$ that satisfy the orthogonality condition, \begin{equation}\nonumber \int_\mathbb{C}P_{n,N}(z)\overline{P_{m,N}(z)}e^{-N Q(z)}dA(z)=h_{n,N}\delta_{nm} \quad(n,m=0,1,2,\cdots), \end{equation} where $h_{n,N}$ is a (positive) norming constant and the external potential is given by $$Q(z)=|z|^2+ \frac{2c}{N}\log \frac{1}{|z-a|},\quad c>-1,\quad a>0.$$ The orthogonal polynomial is related to the interacting Coulomb particles with charge $+1$ for each, in the presence of an extra particle with charge $+c$ at $a.$ For $N$ large and a fixed ``c'' this can be a small perturbation of the Gaussian weight. The polynomial $P_{n,N}(z)$ can be characterized by a matrix Riemann--Hilbert problem \cite{Ba 2015}. We then apply the standard nonlinear steepest descent method \cite{Deift 1999, DKMVZ 1999} to derive the strong asymptotics of $P_{n,N}(z)$ when $n$ and $N$ go to $\infty.$ From the asymptotic behavior of $P_{n,N}(z),$ we find that, as we vary $c,$ the limiting distribution behaves discontinuously at $c=0.$ We observe that the mother body (a kind of potential theoretic skeleton) also behaves discontinuously at $c=0.$ The smooth interpolation of the discontinuity is obtained by further scaling of $c=e^{-\eta N}$ in terms of the parameter $\eta\in[0,\infty).$ To obtain the results for arbitrary values of $c$, we used the ``partial Schlesinger transform'' method developed in \cite{BL 2008} to derive an arbitrary order correction in the Riemann--Hilbert analysis. In chapter 3, we consider the case of multiple logarithmic singularities. The planar orthogonal polynomials $\{p_n(z)\}_{n=0,1,\cdots}$ with respect to the external potential that is given by $$Q(z)=|z|^2+ 2\sum_{j=1}^lc_j\log \frac{1}{|z-a_j|},$$ where $\{a_1, a_2, \cdots, a_l\}$ is a set of nonzero complex numbers and $\{c_1, c_2, \cdots, c_l\}$ is a set of positive real numbers. We show that the planar orthogonal polynomials $p_{n}(z)$ with $l$ logarithmic singularities in the potential are the multiple orthogonal polynomials $p_{{\bf{n}}}(z)$ (Hermite-Pad\'e polynomials) of Type II with $l$ measures of degree $|{\bf{n}}|=n=\kappa l+r,$ ${\bf{n}}=(n_1,\cdots,n_l)$ satisfying the orthogonality condition, $$ \frac{1}{2\ii}\int_{\Gamma}p_{{\bf{n}}}(z) z^k\chi_{{\bf{n}}-{\bf{e}}_j}(z)\dd z=0, \quad 0\leq k\leq n_j-1,\quad 1\leq j\leq l,$$ where $\Gamma$ is a certain simple closed curve with counterclockwise orientation and $$ \chi_{{\bf{n}}-{\bf{e}}_j}(z):= \prod_{i=1}^l(z-a_i)^{c_i }\int_{0}^{\overline{z}\times\infty}\frac{\prod_{i=1}^l(s-\bar{a}_i)^{n_i+c_i}}{(s-\bar{a}_j)\ee^{zs}}\,\dd s. $$ Such equivalence allows us to formulate the $(l+1)\times(l+1)$ Riemann--Hilbert problem for $p_n(z)$. We also find the ratio between the determinant of the moment matrix corresponding to the multiple orthogonal polynomials and the determinant of the moment matrix from the original planar measure.

[pt] Eleições democráticas desempenham um papel fundamental na resolução do problema de agência entre cidadãos e governo. A literatura reconhece amplamente as vantagens das eleições enquanto sistema de incentivos políticos, mas pouco discute o potencial custo de prover tais incentivos. Esta dissertação busca um melhor entendimento do tema através de um exercício empírico com dados brasileiros. Seu objetivo é analisar se a descontinuidade política – característica inerente ao sistema eleitoral democrático, que pressupõe a troca periódica de político eleito – interfere com a provisão de serviços de saúde pública no Brasil. Utiliza-se uma estratégia de diferença-em-diferenças para examinar como a troca de prefeitos e partidos decorrente de eleições afeta o controle municipal da dengue entre 2001 e 2009. Conclui-se que, a partir do terceiro ano de mandato do novo prefeito, há um impacto positivo e significativo da troca do político eleito sobre o número de casos confirmados da doença no município, corroborando a hipótese de que a ruptura causada pela descontinuidade política compromete a provisão de serviço de saúde pública municipal no Brasil. Atribui-se a cronologia do efeito à sazonalidade da dengue e à dinâmica de transmissão do vírus. Encontram-se indícios de que proximidade política e força institucional operam como inibidores do efeito nocivo. A continuidade ao longo de dois mandatos consecutivos parece também melhorar a situação municipal de dengue. Todavia, não há resultados conclusivos quanto à influência do clima sobre a relação de interesse. / [en] Democratic elections play a fundamental role in solving agency problems between citizens and the government. The literature largely recognizes the advantages of elections as a system of political incentives, but holds little discussion about the potential costs of providing such incentives. This thesis seeks a better understanding of the issue via an empirical exercise using Brazilian data. Its objective is to investigate if the political discontinuity – a characteristic inherent to the democratic electoral system, which presupposes the periodic turnover of elected politicians – interferes with the provision of public services in Brazil. A difference-in-differences approach is used to assess how the change of mayors and parties resulting from elections affects the municipal control of dengue from 2001 to 2009. Results indicate that, as of the third year of a new mayor’s mandate, there is a positive significant impact of the change of elected politician on the number of dengue cases confirmed within a municipality. This finding corroborates the hypothesis that the rupture caused by the political discontinuity jeopardizes the provision of municipal public health services in Brazil. The timing of the effect is attributed to both dengue’s seasonality and the dynamics of virus transmission. Evidence suggests that political proximity and institutional strength operate as inhibitors of this harmful effect. Continuity throughout consecutive mandates also appears to improve the municipal state of dengue. Results regarding the influence of climate on the relationship of interest, however, remain inconclusive.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-176).

The creative destruction of existing industries as a consequence of discontinuous technological change is a central theme in the literature on industrial innovation and technological development. Established competence-based and market-based explanations of this phenomenon argue that incumbents are seriously challenged only by ‘competence-destroying’ or ‘disruptive’ innovations, which make their existing knowledge base or business models obsolete and leave them vulnerable to attacks from new entrants. This paper challenges these arguments. With detailed empirical analyses of the automotive and gas turbine industries, we demonstrate that these explanations overestimate the ability of new entrants to destroy and disrupt established industries and underestimate the capacity of incumbents to perceive the potential of new technologies and integrate them with existing capabilities. Moreover, we show how intense competition in the wake of technological discontinuities, driven entirely by incumbents, may instead result in late industry shakeouts. We develop and extend the notion of ‘creative accumulation’ as a way of conceptualizing the innovating capacity of the incumbents that appear to master such turbulence. Specifically, we argue that creative accumulation requires firms to handle a triple challenge of simultaneously (a) fine-tuning and evolving existing technologies at a rapid pace, (b) acquiring and developing new technologies and resources and (c) integrating novel and existing knowledge into superior products and solutions. / Knowledge Integration and Innovation in Transnational Enterprise

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