This study analyzes economic and governmental factors in political violence, using both a cross-national quantitative analysis and an historical case study of El Salvador. Since at least the time of Aristotle, political violence has been a concern of social philosophers and social scientists. While it has often been seen primarily as revolutionary, political violence can be reconceptualized to include violent acts for political purposes carried out by an established regime as well as by its opponents. Such a broadening of the concepts facilitates neutral measurements of political violence, such as by death rate per population from domestic political conflict. For convenience, useful theories of political violence may be broken down into two main types. The first type, which may be called inequality theory, postulates some type of inequality, generally economic inequality, as a major cause of political violence. The second type of theory, which may be referred to as collective action theory, generally emphasizes the influence of the political interaction of competing actors. Other theories stress factors such as land inequality and population density. The cross-national analysis of this study found that income inequality and government sanctions were two of the more robust independent variables contributing to political violence. Similarly, the historical case study of El Salvador, particularly a comparison of the outbreaks of political violence occurring in 1932 and in 1979-84, suggests an important role in political violence was played by both income inequality and government sanctions. The findings that both of these variables contribute significantly and simultaneously to political violence implies that inequality theory and collective action theory may be partly compatible with each other. Also, the relationship between income inequality and political violence was found to be much stronger than the relationship between land inequality and political violence. This finding suggests that attempts to prevent political violence solely by addressing land inequality, as in many government land reform programs, will likely fall as long as they do not address the more fundamental factor of income inequality.

Thesis. 1978. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 167-177. / Ph.D.

Not available / text

Thesis (MA)--University of Montana, 2007. / Contents viewed on March 26, 2010. Title from author supplied metadata. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

Die Arbeit geht der Frage nach, warum die Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen nach El Salvador seit 1980 bis zur jüngsten Finanzkrise so konstant und enorm angestiegen sind. Dabei werden Erkenntnisse aus der bisherigen Forschung zu Migration und Remittances insbesondere aus der Neuen Ökonomie der Arbeitsmigration einer kritischen Revision unterzogen und um entscheidende Punkte erweitert. Das Ergebnis ist ein synthetischer Erklärungsansatz für das Phänomen der Remesas nach El Salvador, der sich auf die Kernbegriffe Ungleichheit, Schuld und (Un-)Sicherheit bezieht. Unter Bezug auf das Konzept gesellschaftlicher Reproduktion werden Aspekte untersucht, die über monetäre und produktive Faktoren als Ursachen für Remittances hinausgehen. Der theoretische Rahmen der subjektfundierten Hegemonietheorie erlaubt es, die Dichotomie von Struktur und Handlung bei der Erklärung der Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen zu überwinden.

No description available.

Univ., Diss.--Tübingen, 2005.

No description available.

This thesis grounds its examination of the maras of El Salvador in the historical past (1971-1992) rather than the present, which constitutes a departure from current scholarship on the subject. This thesis revises our current understanding of the emergence and development of maras in El Salvador through the recovery, insertion and examination of key local events, conditions, and historical actors of the 1970s and 1980s. From signifying friendship and camaraderie prior to the late 1980s, the maras increasingly became the target of public concern and Salvadoran security forces over the course of the 1980. By the late 1980s the maras increasingly became associated with criminal activity in Salvadoran society and popular culture. To document these changed conditions, this thesis relies extensively on previously untapped and ignored primary sources: newspapers and oral history interviews.