Resume Status of the emperor according to the Austrian constitutions The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the position which belonged to the head of the Habsburg Monarchy according to the Austrian Constitutions from the second half of the 19th century. The revolutionary years 1848-1849 caused changes in the constitutional system of the monarchy. These changes were also reflected at the level of head of state. The emperor was no longer to be sole representative of state power, but he had to participate in it together with the parliament and the government. When examining these changes, it is necessary to differentiate the formal position of Emperor, which belonged to him under the Constitutions and his factual position. Realistically, the emperor maintained until the collapse of the monarchy considerable influence on the exercise of state power. The work explores the following constitutions: Pillersdorf (April) constitution of 1848, Kremsier constitution of 1849, Stadion (March) constitution of 1849, Schmerling (February) constitution of 1861 and Beust (December) constitution of 1867. The work is divided into six chapters. The first chapter describes constitutional and political development of the Habsburg monarchy since revolution in 1848 until the release of the December constitution in 1867 and it...

Entre 193 et 324, l’Empire, l’empereur et l’armée romaine ont traversé une période difficile couramment qualifiée de « crise du IIIe siècle ». Mais si cette dernière a fait l’objet de nombreux débats et controverses, le phénomène de la révolte militaire, pourtant omniprésent, est resté inexploré. Or pendant cette période, l’empire romain n’a vraisemblablement jamais autant connu de révoltes militaires, ce qui signifie que jamais, sans doute, la construction politique impériale, reposant en grande partie sur un « pacte » implicite entre le prince et son armée, n’avait été à ce point contestée. Après avoir travaillé à la définition même de la notion de révolte et à la quantification réelle du phénomène, on s’attachera à l’étude des catalyseurs qui en ont favorisé l’apparition et des mécanismes qui sous-tendaient des enchaînements de faits pouvant rassembler d’importants effectifs et embraser des étendues géographiques considérables. On s’efforcera ensuite d’esquisser une « géopolitique » de la révolte militaire pour tenter de mieux identifier les rebelles, les meneurs, les mots d’ordre ou les programmes politiques volontiers dénigrés ou caricaturés par les auteurs anciens. Il s’agira enfin de voir comment le phénomène de la révolte a conduit le pouvoir impérial à réformer l’armée et à se réformer lui-même / From 193 to 324, the Empire, the Emperor and the Roman Army went through a difficult period usually qualified « Crises of the Third Century ». But if this latter has been the subject of many debate and controversies, the phenomenon of the military revolt, yet omnipresent, remains unexplored. But during this period, the Roman Empire has probably never known, so many military revolts, that means, that ever, without any doubt, the political process, based in a large part on an implicit « pact » between the Prince and his army, had never been so contested. After working on the very concept of the notion of revolt and on the real quantification of this phenomenon, we will study catalysts that have favored it and mecanisms underlying patterns of facts that could gather numbers and rise up large geographical areas. Then, we will seek to outline « geopolitics » of the military revolt in an attempt to better identify the rebels, the leaders, the wathwords or the political programs readily betittled or parodied by the Ancients. It will be finally seen how the phenomenon of the revolt led the imperial power to reconsider, or not, its relations with the army, or even to reform itself.

This dissertation seeks to explore possible relationships between literature—poetry, in particular—and royal patronage. More specifically, I am here interested in examining the remarkable efflorescence of Sinitic poetry (kanshi) during the reign of Emperor Saga (786-842, r. 809-823), as well as some of its later developments in the private poetry collections of Shimada Tadaomi (828-891) and his pupil Sugawara no Michizane (845-903). The history of Sinitic poetry composed in Japan has been meticulously studied; there is certainly no dearth of research, either in Japanese or in English. Even so, the early ninth century remains somewhat of a mystery. A total of three imperially commissioned anthologies (chokusenshū) of Sinitic poetry and prose were compiled during this time, along with an imperial history—all of which were the direct product of Saga’s personal patronage. Much of his own poetry has been preserved in these anthologies. Despite the existence of hundreds of Sinitic poems, and a contemporary history (also in Sinitic), scholars tend to shy away from this period. This dissertation is an attempt to remedy that situation. As a means of facilitating a broader appreciation of Saga, I have included some material on King Alfred the Great (849-899, r. 871-899), the most well-known Anglo-Saxon king, and oft-celebrated father of the English nation, who was a near contemporary of Saga. Naturally, I have also interwoven some material on Emperor Taizong (598-649, r. 626-649) of the Tang dynasty, whose influence on ninth-century Sinitic poetry (in Japan) has been the focus of some past research. Scholars of East Asian literature, whether they specialize in Chinese or Japanese literature, are familiar with the grand literary and political legacy of this continental sovereign. Both Saga’s poetry as well as his ideal of sovereignty were influenced by the work of Taizong and his lettered vassals. A central assumption informs this work: ninth-century poetry was inevitably political, insofar as it served as a tool whereby authors could enforce or manipulate prevalent power relations within the court. Poetry, therefore, was both dominated by and exercised significant influence over hierarchical networks of patronage. Poetry was also occasional performative, that is, it was recited aloud on public occasions—royal banquets or excursions—before an audience of vassals and courtiers. Saga, as supreme ruler and patron, composed poetry that sought, through its presentation at these banquets, to repeatedly legitimate his own position, while simultaneously appealing to a number of different audiences. Different audiences harbored different expectations, and Saga, adroit politician that he was, strove to please each in turn by adopting a number of poetic voices or personae. This is especially evident after his retirement, when he found it necessary to adopt a different poetic persona more appropriate to his less prominent station. Tadaomi and Michizane, as recognized scholars, loyal vassals, and influential statesmen, received patronage from both sovereigns and high-ranking noblemen. These complex networks of patronage and varied audiences demanded the creation of ever more subtle poetic personae. This dissertation, among other things, is an exploration of how poets of the ninth century adopted different poetic personae in accordance with their intended audiences. The deliberate mixing of various Sinitic genres to achieve this end receives a great deal of attention.

This dissertation analyzes the interplay between imperial messaging or self-representation and legal activity in the Roman Empire under the Severan dynasty. I discuss the unusual historical circumstances of Septimius Severus’ rise to power and the legitimacy crises faced by him and his successors, as well as those same emperors’ control of an increasingly complex legal bureaucracy and legislative apparatus. I describe how each of the four Severan rulers—Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Severus Alexander—employed different approaches to imperial legislation and adjudication in accordance with their idiosyncratic self-presentation and messaging styles, as well as how other actors within Roman legal culture responded to Severan political dynamics in their own work. In particular, this dissertation is concerned with a particularly—and increasingly—urgent problem in Roman elite political culture; the tension between theories of imperial power that centered upon rulers’ charismatic gifts or personal fitness to rule, and a more institutional, bureaucratized vision that placed the emperor at the center of broader networks of administrative control. While these two ideas of the Principate had always coexisted, the Severan period posed new challenges as innovations in imperial succession (such as more open military selection of emperors) called earlier legitimation strategies into question. I posit that Roman law, with its stated tendency towards regularized, impersonal processes, was a language in which the Severan state could more easily portray itself as a bureaucratic institution that might merit deference without a given leader being personally fit to rule. This dissertation begins by discussing the representational strategy of Septimius Severus, who deployed traditional imperial messaging tropes in strikingly legalistic forms. I then explore how this model of law as a venue for or language of state communication might explain otherwise idiosyncratic features of the constitutio Antoniniana, an edict promulgated by Septimius Severus’ son Caracalla that granted citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire. I next discuss two unusual features of the corpus of rescripts issued by Severus Alexander, the last Severan emperor: specifically, the relabeling of rescripts issued by Elagabalus, Alexander’s cousin and predecessor, as products of Alexander’s reign; and the idiosyncratic frequency with which rescripts issued under Alexander’s authority cite prior imperial (and particularly Severan) precedent. Finally, I discuss how jurists responded to Severan (and particularly late Severan) political and legal culture: late Severan jurists are particularly inclined to justify their legal decisionmaking in terms of the desirable consequences of a given decision’s universal promulgation, and similarly likely to justify their opinions by citing to an impersonal ‘imperial authority’ rather than to named figures. I argue that these changes reflect both state and scholarly attempts to wrestle with increasingly unstable imperial selection processes, and to articulate a vision of Roman governance that might function in the new world of the third century C.E.

Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, o Imperador do Japão perdeu sua soberania e passou a ser símbolo da nação e da união do povo japonês, de acordo com a Constituição promulgada em 1947, sendo suas funções basicamente cerimoniais e diplomáticas. Pensando nesse Imperador enquanto símbolo e no futuro da instituição imperial no Japão, a presente dissertação objetivou principalmente analisar que imagem o Imperador Akihito cria de si por meio de suas alocuções. Tais alocuções se encontram disponíveis no sítio eletrônico da Agência da Casa Imperial, tanto no original em japonês quanto em inglês. Dessa forma, considerando que a disponibilidade dos textos em japonês pressupõe coenunciadores nipônicos e a dos textos em inglês pressupõe a comunidade internacional como coenunciadores, analisaram-se as imagens criadas nos dois casos, buscando indícios de possíveis diferenças na criação do etos de Akihito em cada uma das versões de suas alocuções. Além disso, buscou-se também pensar as relações de poder, segundo Foucault (1995, 2010), no córpus de pesquisa. Como arcabouço teórico, utilizaram-se conceitos da Análise do Discurso de base enunciativa, mais precisamente o conceito de etos na leitura de Maingueneau (1997, 2001b). O material de análise coletado abrange conferências de imprensa realizadas por ocasião da comemoração de dez e vinte anos de reinado de Akihito, nos anos de 1999 e 2009, respectivamente. A metodologia de pesquisa, por sua vez, consistiu em se analisar de forma comparativa os textos em japonês com aqueles em inglês, tendo como foco as ocorrências do verbo japonês omou, que expressa sentimento e julgamento, recorrente nas alocuções do Imperador. Analisaram-se também as ocorrências de modalidades deônticas em ambas as versões do texto, acreditando-se que a pouca ocorrência dessas também contribui para se pensar a imagem do Imperador. Como resultado, verificaram-se diferenças significativas entre as duas versões das alocuções. O etos de Akihito nas alocuções em japonês sugere um Imperador amigo e próximo do povo, de tom moderado e amenizado, criando identificação entre ele e o povo. O etos apreendido na versão em inglês, por sua vez, sugere um Imperador mais firme em suas convicções, ora enfatizando mais seus sentimentos e opiniões, ora menos, conferindo-se certa ocidentalização de sua imagem. Pensando-se em termos de relação de poder, que caracteriza controle e divulgação, também se concluiu que, sendo o Japão o maior aliado capitalista no Oriente e seu Imperador, representante simbólico desse país, parece pertinente que suas alocuções estejam disponíveis de forma tal que possibilite um controle constante por parte da comunidade internacional, garantindo a ordem capitalista / After the Second World War, the Emperor of Japan lost his sovereignty and became symbol of the nation and of the unity of the Japanese people, according to the Constitution promulgated in 1947, being his functions basically ceremonials and diplomatics. Thinking of this Emperor as symbol and of the future of the imperial institution in Japan, the present dissertation tried to analyze what image Emperor Akihito creates of himself through his allocutions. Such allocutions are available on Imperial Household Agencys website in both Japanese and English. Therefore, considering that the availability of the texts in Japanese predicates Japanese coenunciators and that of the texts in English predicates the international community as coenunciators, the images created in both cases were analyzed, searching for signs of possible differences in the creation of the ethos of Akihito in both versions of his allocutions. Furthermore, one also tried to think the power relations, according to Foucault (1995, 2010), in the research corpus. For theoretical basis, concepts of the enunciative Discourse Analysis were used, more specifically the concept of ethos in Maingueneaus view (1997, 2011b). The collected material of analysis comprehends press conferences occurred in the occasion of celebrations for ten and twenty years of the enthronement of Akihito, in the years of 1999 and 2009, respectively. The methodology of research consisted in analyzing in a comparative way the texts in Japanese with the ones in English, focusing the occurrences of the Japanese verb omou, which expresses sentiment and judgment, recurrent in the Emperors allocutions. One has also analyzed the occurrences of deontic modalities in both versions of the text, considering that their few occurrences also contribute to think the Emperors image. As a result, significative differences between the two versions of the allocutions were observed. The ethos of Akihito in the allocutions in Japanese suggests an emperor that is friend and closer to the people, with a soft and moderate tone, in a way that creates identification between people and him. The ethos apprehended in the English version, on the other hand, suggests an Emperor who is stronger in his convictions, sometimes emphasizing more his feelings and opinions, sometimes less, leading to some westernization of his image. Thinking in terms of power relation, which characterize control and disclosure, one has also concluded that, being Japan the biggest capitalist ally in the East and its Emperor, symbolic representative of this country, it seems relevant that his allocutions are available in such a way that it becomes possible for the international community to exercise continuous control, ensuring the capitalist order

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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse. There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment. Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control? There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule. This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.

This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.

This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.

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