A epidemia de HIV/AIDS, que sofreu grandes mudanças em seus padrões clínicos e epidemiológicos, atingiu neste século sua estabilidade. Durante estes 30 anos os profissionais de saúde aprenderam muito sobre a doença e hoje esse aprendizado reflete-se em maior eficiência no diagnóstico e no tratamento da infecção pelo vírus e de suas manifestações oportunistas. As lesões orais associadas ao HIV são motivo de estudo desde os primeiros relatos da doença no início dos anos 80, e foram relacionadas ao sexo, idade, naturalidade, forma de exposição ao vírus e a padrões virológicos e imunológicos. Mas a pressão exercida pelas mudanças das características demográficas da epidemia sobre as manifestações bucais oportunistas do HIV não foi levada em consideração. A estabilidade da epidemia e o amadurecimento do conhecimento proporcionam um terreno propício para a avaliação da real prevalência dessas manifestações. Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar como está este panorama no Brasil. Cento e quatro pacientes HIV+ em início de TARV foram avaliados clinicamente, e foram colhidos dados demográficos e exames laboratoriais, além da execução de sialometria e índice CPO-D. A população avaliada foi predominantemente masculina (78,8%) com média de 37,8 anos de idade. A via de transmissão do HIV foi sexual, sendo 57,7% através do sexo homo/bissexual e 38,4% com sexo heterossexual. 52,9 % souberam de sua soropositividade a menos de um ano. O CD4 médio foi de 223 céls/mm³ e a CV de 121.400 cópias/ml. As lesões extraorais foram diagnosticadas em 10,6% dos pacientes, sendo as hiperpigmentações de pele e mucosa (9,6%) e o aumento de glândulas salivares (0,96%) as lesões mais encontradas. A candidíase oral (49%) e a leucoplasia pilosa (41,3%) foram as lesões intraorais mais prevalentes. A xerostomia foi queixa de 46,6% e a hipossalivação foi diagnosticada em 18% e 48% dos pacientes, dependendo da metodologia utilizada para avaliação. O índice CPOD foi de 14,4, considerado alto pela OMS. A presença de lesões orais, candidíase e leucoplasia pilosa foram associadas à baixa imunidade e a presença de lesões orais e candidíase a cargas virais altas. A hipossalivação, avaliada através do fluxo salivar estimulado e representando principalmente a saliva da parótida, foi relacionado com níveis de CD8 alterados. Comparado com a literatura revisada, a prevalência de lesões orais associadas ao HIV apresenta-se alterada neste estudo, principalmente pela ausência de diagnóstico de neoplasias malignas e baixa prevalência de outras lesões orais associadas à aids. / HIV/AIDS epidemic, which has undergone major changes in their clinical and epidemiological patterns, in this century reached its stability. During these 30 years, much has been learned about the disease by health care professionals and nowadays, all this knowledge is reflected in greater efficiency in the diagnosis and treatment of virus infection and its opportunistic manifestations. HIV oral related lesions have been studied since the first reports of the disease in the earlies 80\'s, and were related to gender, age, place of birth, route of virus exposure, and virological and imunological patterns. Demographic changes of the disease over oral HIV opportunistic diseases have not been taken into consideration. The stability of epidemics and maturing of knowledge provide a fertile ground for the evaluation of the real prevalence of these manifestations. This research aims to verify this scenario in Brazil. A hundred and four HIV+ patients starting HAART were evaluated clinically, and demographic data and laboratory tests were collected, in addition to performing sialometry and DMFT index. The population was predominantly male (78,8%), average of 37,8 years old. The route of HIV transmission was sexual, 57,7% through homo/bisexual sex, and heterosexual sex, with 38,4%. 52,9% knew their HIV sero status to less than one year. The average CD4 was 223 cell/mm3 and CV of 121,400 copies/ml. Extra oral lesions were observed in 10,6% of patients, the skin and mucosal hyperpigmentation (9,6%) and enlargement of salivary glands (0,96%) were the lesions diagnosed. Oral candidiasis (49%) and oral hairy leukoplakia (41,3%) were the most prevalent intraoral lesions. Xerostomia was a complaining of 46,6% and hyposalivation was diagnosed in 18% and 48% of patients, depending on the methodology applied. The DMFT index was 14,4, considered high by WHO. Oral lesions, oral candidiasis and oral hairy leukoplakia were associated to low immunity and high viral load levels. Hyposalivation, evaluated by stimulated salivary flow (mainly, representing the saliva produced by parotid gland) was associated with altered levels of CD8. Compared to reviewed literature, oral lesions prevalence was considered altered in this research, notably the lack of diagnosis of malignant neoplasias and low prevalence of other lesions associated with aids. .

A dengue é uma doença infecciosa febril aguda causada por um arbovírus com quatro sorotipos conhecidos: DENV-1, DENV-2, DENV-3 E DENV-4. É transmitida pelo mosquito Aedes aegypti. Manifesta-se clinicamente por febre alta associada à cefaleia, mialgia, prostração, dor retrorbitária, artralgia e exantema. Geralmente é de curso benigno, porém pode evoluir para formas graves e óbito. A dengue é um dos principais problemas globais de saúde pública: a OMS estima que a cada ano ocorram 50-100 milhões de infecções. No ano dengue 2014-2015 uma epidemia da doença atingiu o Brasil em toda a sua extensão. A região sudeste foi a mais acometida e, dentre os seus Estados, São Paulo contabilizou um número aumentado de casos e óbitos. Ribeirão Preto, município situado no nordeste paulista, permaneceu em estado de alerta durante o período. Frente à possibilidade de epidemia local, a estruturação do plano de contingência municipal para dengue 2015-2016 tornou-se prioritária. Dentre os seus elementos estruturais destacou-se a necessidade de organização dos serviços de atendimento para pacientes com suspeita de dengue e a Comissão de Urgência e Emergência, participante do gerenciamento da assistência em urgências e emergências no município foi imbuída desta tarefa. Objetivo: Descrever a experiência do processo de organização da assistência em urgências e emergências para pacientes com suspeita de dengue no Município de Ribeirão Preto, mediante a estruturação do plano de contingência municipal para dengue, 2015-2016, com elaboração de novas propostas. Métodos: Trata-se de um estudo descritivo do tipo relato de experiência, que ocorreu no Município de Ribeirão Preto, no período correspondente a junho de 2015 a janeiro de 2016. Foi solicitada dispensa do Termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido uma vez que foram utilizados dados retroativos de materiais previamente elaborados e autorizados. Os dados coletados foram submetidos à análise estatística descritiva. Resultados: Através da descrição da experiência do processo de organização da assistência em urgências e emergências no Município de Ribeirão Preto e elaboração de propostas norteadoras em gestão de epidemias, vislumbrou-se 11 enriquecer a composição do plano municipal de contingência para dengue e proporcionar o incremento do cuidado aos pacientes com suspeita de dengue. / Dengue fever is an acute febrile infectious disease caused by an arbovirus with four known serotypes: DENV-1, DENV-2, DENV-3 and DENV-4. It is transmitted by the mosquito Aedes aegypti. The dengue is clinically manifested by high fever associated with headache, myalgia, prostration, retro-orbital pain, arthralgia and rash. It is usually benign, but can progress to severe forms and death. Dengue is a major global public health problem: WHO estimates that each year 50 million to 100 million infections occur. In the dengue year 2014-2015 a disease epidemic hit Brazil in all its extension. The Southeast region was the most affected, and among the states, São Paulo recorded an increased number of cases and deaths. Ribeirão Preto, São Paulo municipality located in the northeast, remained on alert during the period. Faced with the possibility of local epidemic, the structure the municipal contingency plan for 2015-2016 dengue has become a priority. Among its structural elements highlighted the need for the organization of care services for patients with suspected dengue and the Emergency Committee, service management participant in emergency care in the city was imbued with this task. Objective: To describe the experience of the care organization process in emergency care for patients with suspected dengue in Ribeirão Preto, through the structuring of municipal contingency plan for dengue, 2015-2016, with elaboration of new proposals. Methods: This is a descriptive study of type experience report, which occurred in the city of Ribeirão Preto, in the corresponding period June 2015 to January 2016. Informed Consent Term waiver was requested and informed as they were used retroactive data previously elaborated and approved materials. Data were submitted to descriptive statistical analysis. Results: Through the description of the experience of the process of organization in emergency care in the city of Ribeirão Preto and preparation of guiding proposals for epidemic management, envisioned to enrich the composition of the municipal contingency plan for dengue and provide increased care patients with suspected dengue.

abstract: Understanding the consequences of changes in social networks is an important an- thropological research goal. This dissertation looks at the role of data-driven social networks on infectious disease transmission and evolution. The dissertation has two projects. The first project is an examination of the effects of the superspreading phenomenon, wherein a relatively few individuals are responsible for a dispropor- tionate number of secondary cases, on the patterns of an infectious disease. The second project examines the timing of the initial introduction of tuberculosis (TB) to the human population. The results suggest that TB has a long evolutionary history with hunter-gatherers. Both of these projects demonstrate the consequences of social networks for infectious disease transmission and evolution. The introductory chapter provides a review of social network-based studies in an- thropology and epidemiology. Particular emphasis is paid to the concept and models of superspreading and why to consider it, as this is central to the discussion in chapter 2. The introductory chapter also reviews relevant epidemic mathematical modeling studies. In chapter 2, social networks are connected with superspreading events, followed by an investigation of how social networks can provide greater understanding of in- fectious disease transmission through mathematical models. Using the example of SARS, the research shows how heterogeneity in transmission rate impacts super- spreading which, in turn, can change epidemiological inference on model parameters for an epidemic. Chapter 3 uses a different mathematical model to investigate the evolution of TB in hunter-gatherers. The underlying question is the timing of the introduction of TB to the human population. Chapter 3 finds that TB’s long latent period is consistent with the evolutionary pressure which would be exerted by transmission on a hunter- igatherer social network. Evidence of a long coevolution with humans indicates an early introduction of TB to the human population. Both of the projects in this dissertation are demonstrations of the impact of var- ious characteristics and types of social networks on infectious disease transmission dynamics. The projects together force epidemiologists to think about networks and their context in nontraditional ways. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2019

This research explored several adaptations to tuberculosis among the Indian population of Saskatchewan from 1926 to 1965 in order to demonstrate that this was an era in which disease played an significant role in the lives of the Indians. A broad ecological model' allowed for a variety of interactions to be explored. Within this framework, the study examined: the epidemiology and ecology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indian population; the development of health services to the Indians and the role of health services in the ecology of disease in this population; and the individual Indians' hospitalization and tuberculosis experience.<P> The epidemic of tuberculosis among the Indians of Saskatchewan began in the early 1880s. Rapidly assuming epidemic proportions, the death rate from tuberculosis among the Qu'Appelle Indians peaked in 1886 at a rate of 9,000 per 100,000. The death rate declined gradually after 1890 through the acquisition of population resistance and the elimination of the non-resistant families. The acute phase of the tuberculosis epidemic, characterized by extra-pulmonary disease in which the majority of cases terminated in a few months, lasted about two decades. Between 1907 and 1926, with gradually improving living conditions, continued acquisition of population resistance, but without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures, the death rate fell to 800 per 100,000.<p> Tuberculosis was endemic in the Saskatchewan Indian population by the beginning of the 1930s. Once endemic, the decline of the tuberculosis death rate continued to the end of the 1940s, without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures. By the time that specific measures were introduced, the death rate had declined to 417 per 100,000 in 1949. With the introduction of BCG vaccination and antimicrobial drug treatment, by 1959 the death rate declined to 39 per 100,000.<p> By the early 1960s tuberculosis mortality was successfully controlled in Saskatchewan, although death rates remained 15 times higher among the Indians. Tuberculosis morbidity continued to be a problem into the 1980s. In 1984, the incidence of tuberculosis was 21 times greater among the Indians than the corresponding rate in the non-Indian population.<p> Various environmental and cultural factors contributed to the Indian population's experiences with tuberculosis. The most important factor was the absence of population immunity. In addition, concentration of the population on reserves, the occurrence of intercurrent epidemics, sudden and dramatic dietary change, and lifestyle factors such as housing, sanitation and personal hygiene all contributed to incredibly high tuberculosis mortality in this population. The effect of medical care on the epidemiology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indians was not even considered in the preliminary analysis of the epidemic, because throughout the first several decades of the epidemic, no organized health services existed for the Indians.<p> In Saskatchewan, before World War II, medical services to the Indians were characterized by occasional surveys, the employment of part-time physicians, and health education through the distribution of circulars to Indian agents on health-related issues. Organized anti-tuberculosis programs which were developed in the years following the Second World War, in a large part, account for the dramatic decrease in the tuberculosis death rate in the province through the decade of the 1950s.<p> In the late 1940s, and throughout the 1950s and 1960s, most active Indian tuberculosis cases diagnosed in Saskatchewan were hospitalized for treatment. At least 10% of the Indian population of Saskatchewan received Indian hospital or sanatorium treatment throughout the first decade that those services were available to them.<p> Interviews conducted with fourteen Indian individuals who had been hospitalized for tuberculosis treatment provided two dichotomous perspectives on tuberculosis. Several individuals feared tuberculosis because of their familiarity with it in their families and on their reserves, however, most said that they knew tuberculosis, but they did not fear it. In terms of their knowledge about tuberculosis from a biomedical perspective, most had some idea of its symptomology although its specific etiology was not known. Most of the people interviewed appeared to understand the infectious nature of tuberculosis, however, their concern for their families may have stemmed from observations that tuberculosis was "in" particular families, not necessarily because they thought they could "give" tuberculosis to them. In terms of a perspective on the treatment of tuberculosis, most of the individuals interviewed were aware that hospital treatment was necessary. Archival sources and government annual reports, indicated that many Indians took a very active role in attending to their health needs. None of the individuals who were interviewed refused to go to the sanatorium, except for one woman who ran away several times. Most, however, planned their escape time after time. This suggests that their stay in the sanatorium and hospital may not have been of their own volition.<p> The most common and recurring theme that emerged from the interviews about life in the sanatoria or Indian hospital revolved around the structured, regimented nature of the treatment. Several individuals remembered quite vividly seeing other patients confined in strait jackets and body casts and distinctly remembered how strict the staff was with children.<p> While they were hospitalized, all of the individuals who were interviewed knew several other people who were being treated at the same time who were also their contemporaries from their own or surrounding reserves. All of the individuals also made several lasting friendships with people that they met while in the sanatorium. In addition, all, except for one young boy, were visited frequently by their families and friends. This indicates that the Indian people interviewed were not "isolated" from their families and friends for the duration of their treatment. Hospitalization, for those interviewed, was not a traumatic event because they had an extensive social network which enabled them to cope with the experience. In addition, because of the poor living conditions on many Indian reserves, a trip to the sanatorium or Indian hospital was a relief for some. Indian children in the sanatorium and hospital were given new clothes, toys, and books, and in some cases an education; things they did not get at home. One woman chose to remain in the sanatorium after her treatment regimen ended so that she could complete her education, something she could not do back at home in the north. Only one individual suggested that the experience was instrumental in determining the direction his future took.<p> In demonstrating that this was an era in which disease played a major role in the lives of the Indians, the epidemiology of tuberculosis in this population illustrated the pervasive influence that tuberculosis had on demographic and biological aspects of the population. The history of health services illustrated the role of medical intervention in the ecology of tuberculosis in this population. As a probe for behaviourial adaptations to disease on the individual level, the interviews contributed a human dimension to the study. To complete the picture of the role of disease in the lives of the Indians, the examination of the final component in adaptation, behaviourial adaptation to disease at the cultural level, is recommended.

This research explored several adaptations to tuberculosis among the Indian population of Saskatchewan from 1926 to 1965 in order to demonstrate that this was an era in which disease played an significant role in the lives of the Indians. A broad ecological model' allowed for a variety of interactions to be explored. Within this framework, the study examined: the epidemiology and ecology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indian population; the development of health services to the Indians and the role of health services in the ecology of disease in this population; and the individual Indians' hospitalization and tuberculosis experience.<P> The epidemic of tuberculosis among the Indians of Saskatchewan began in the early 1880s. Rapidly assuming epidemic proportions, the death rate from tuberculosis among the Qu'Appelle Indians peaked in 1886 at a rate of 9,000 per 100,000. The death rate declined gradually after 1890 through the acquisition of population resistance and the elimination of the non-resistant families. The acute phase of the tuberculosis epidemic, characterized by extra-pulmonary disease in which the majority of cases terminated in a few months, lasted about two decades. Between 1907 and 1926, with gradually improving living conditions, continued acquisition of population resistance, but without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures, the death rate fell to 800 per 100,000.<p> Tuberculosis was endemic in the Saskatchewan Indian population by the beginning of the 1930s. Once endemic, the decline of the tuberculosis death rate continued to the end of the 1940s, without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures. By the time that specific measures were introduced, the death rate had declined to 417 per 100,000 in 1949. With the introduction of BCG vaccination and antimicrobial drug treatment, by 1959 the death rate declined to 39 per 100,000.<p> By the early 1960s tuberculosis mortality was successfully controlled in Saskatchewan, although death rates remained 15 times higher among the Indians. Tuberculosis morbidity continued to be a problem into the 1980s. In 1984, the incidence of tuberculosis was 21 times greater among the Indians than the corresponding rate in the non-Indian population.<p> Various environmental and cultural factors contributed to the Indian population's experiences with tuberculosis. The most important factor was the absence of population immunity. In addition, concentration of the population on reserves, the occurrence of intercurrent epidemics, sudden and dramatic dietary change, and lifestyle factors such as housing, sanitation and personal hygiene all contributed to incredibly high tuberculosis mortality in this population. The effect of medical care on the epidemiology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indians was not even considered in the preliminary analysis of the epidemic, because throughout the first several decades of the epidemic, no organized health services existed for the Indians.<p> In Saskatchewan, before World War II, medical services to the Indians were characterized by occasional surveys, the employment of part-time physicians, and health education through the distribution of circulars to Indian agents on health-related issues. Organized anti-tuberculosis programs which were developed in the years following the Second World War, in a large part, account for the dramatic decrease in the tuberculosis death rate in the province through the decade of the 1950s.<p> In the late 1940s, and throughout the 1950s and 1960s, most active Indian tuberculosis cases diagnosed in Saskatchewan were hospitalized for treatment. At least 10% of the Indian population of Saskatchewan received Indian hospital or sanatorium treatment throughout the first decade that those services were available to them.<p> Interviews conducted with fourteen Indian individuals who had been hospitalized for tuberculosis treatment provided two dichotomous perspectives on tuberculosis. Several individuals feared tuberculosis because of their familiarity with it in their families and on their reserves, however, most said that they knew tuberculosis, but they did not fear it. In terms of their knowledge about tuberculosis from a biomedical perspective, most had some idea of its symptomology although its specific etiology was not known. Most of the people interviewed appeared to understand the infectious nature of tuberculosis, however, their concern for their families may have stemmed from observations that tuberculosis was "in" particular families, not necessarily because they thought they could "give" tuberculosis to them. In terms of a perspective on the treatment of tuberculosis, most of the individuals interviewed were aware that hospital treatment was necessary. Archival sources and government annual reports, indicated that many Indians took a very active role in attending to their health needs. None of the individuals who were interviewed refused to go to the sanatorium, except for one woman who ran away several times. Most, however, planned their escape time after time. This suggests that their stay in the sanatorium and hospital may not have been of their own volition.<p> The most common and recurring theme that emerged from the interviews about life in the sanatoria or Indian hospital revolved around the structured, regimented nature of the treatment. Several individuals remembered quite vividly seeing other patients confined in strait jackets and body casts and distinctly remembered how strict the staff was with children.<p> While they were hospitalized, all of the individuals who were interviewed knew several other people who were being treated at the same time who were also their contemporaries from their own or surrounding reserves. All of the individuals also made several lasting friendships with people that they met while in the sanatorium. In addition, all, except for one young boy, were visited frequently by their families and friends. This indicates that the Indian people interviewed were not "isolated" from their families and friends for the duration of their treatment. Hospitalization, for those interviewed, was not a traumatic event because they had an extensive social network which enabled them to cope with the experience. In addition, because of the poor living conditions on many Indian reserves, a trip to the sanatorium or Indian hospital was a relief for some. Indian children in the sanatorium and hospital were given new clothes, toys, and books, and in some cases an education; things they did not get at home. One woman chose to remain in the sanatorium after her treatment regimen ended so that she could complete her education, something she could not do back at home in the north. Only one individual suggested that the experience was instrumental in determining the direction his future took.<p> In demonstrating that this was an era in which disease played a major role in the lives of the Indians, the epidemiology of tuberculosis in this population illustrated the pervasive influence that tuberculosis had on demographic and biological aspects of the population. The history of health services illustrated the role of medical intervention in the ecology of tuberculosis in this population. As a probe for behaviourial adaptations to disease on the individual level, the interviews contributed a human dimension to the study. To complete the picture of the role of disease in the lives of the Indians, the examination of the final component in adaptation, behaviourial adaptation to disease at the cultural level, is recommended.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 381-392).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2009. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-158). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Under the ancient threat of morbidity and mortality from infectious diseases, human societies have responded for thousands of years by imposing social containment measures. Even before theorists and laymen recognized the existence of pathogenic organisms, or fully understood the principles of contagion, many societies and individuals did empirically infer that such diseases were transmissible from human to human (as well as sometimes between animals and humans). Having few effective technological measures to prevent or treat contagions, they did devise a variety of socio-behavioral procedures for separating overtly ill persons or suspected disease-carriers from nominally uninfected people. These methods included various kinds of quarantines and isolations. By the early years of the American republic, all of the states and many other jurisdictions had the legal power to impose them, and they have long remained on the codebooks of much of the country even as secular trends and bio-scientific advances appeared to reduce the dangers of epidemic disease in the Developed World. In recent years, however, there has been a recognized resurgence of infectious diseases in Western countries, and such developments as microbial resistance to antibiotics are threatening present-day control technologies. Under these circumstances, it is hypothesized here that societies must plan for the renewed usage of the ancient socio-legal contagion-controls, including quarantines and isolations, at least as part of a multi-pronged response to the renewed challenge of epidemics. However, the existing quarantine/isolation laws do not universally reflect modern scientific understandings of disease processes, and they have always conflicted with other socioethical and litical "goods" such as individual liberties and commerce. Thus, it is submitted here that it has become crucial to understand the historic character of quarantine-type measures on a "macro" plane, in order to learn from past errors, and to help develop modern quarantine/isolation laws and practices that reflect current bioscientific and legal thinking. The instant Dissertation analyzes the longstanding system of socio-legal controls over contagion, presenting a hypothetical structure that distinguishes them along several "Dimensions." In addition, it presents a functional schema that would help public health policy-makers, legislative drafters, and administrators to address individual contagions in terms of another set of "Dimensions," which would be more responsive to evolving bioscientific and jurisprudential thought. To that end, this Dissertation presents a simple Algorithm that can be utilized when developing contagion-control laws that can be closely fitted to particular contagions, their specific manifestations, and their epidemic phases.

published_or_final_version / Nursing Studies / Master / Master of Nursing in Advanced Practice

Not available / text