This thesis explores how the standardization of language in China has been as a means to unify the empire and restructure relations between citizens and the state through processes of identification. Looking in at the case of China's minzu (ethnic groups), I argue that the current trend instituted through policies at the top-level is to eliminate linguistic and cultural diversities through the promotion of Putonghua as the lingua franca and to eventually amalgamate all minzu of the multi-minzu state into a mono-minzu, Zhonghua Minzu (citizens of the Chinese nation). Beginning with an overview of the historical practices of language standardization, I show how the ideological nature of politically influenced terminologies in the Chinese language has contributed to this restructuring of identity. With identity tied closely to language, recently enacted laws in mainland China have brought the government a step closer to achieving its ultimate goal of creating a mono-minzu state.

This study traces the development of prose, poetry, drama, and (creative) nonfiction written in English by Canadians of Ukrainian descent during the twentieth century. The thesis argues that, although Ukrainian Canadian literature has been underrepresented in Canadian and Ukrainian Canadian studies, it makes a substantial contribution to ongoing debates about the ways in which individuals (re)define their sense of self, community, history, and home in the process of writing. Chapter One provides an overview of Ukrainian Canadian history, and outlines the development of a Ukrainian Canadian literary tradition. Chapter Two examines the assimilationist rhetoric articulated by such non-Ukrainian Canadian writers as Ralph Connor, Sinclair Ross, and Margaret Laurence, as well as that of Vera Lysenko (author of Yellow Boots, 1954, the first English-language novel by a Ukrainian Canadian). Chapter Three focuses on Maara Haas's novel The Street Where I Live (1976), George Ryga's play A Letter to My Son (1981), and Andrew Suknaski's poetry (published in Wood Mountain Poems, 1976; the ghosts call you poor, 1978; and In the Name of Narid, 1981), and explores these writers' responses to the policies and practices of multiculturalism. Chapter Four identifies the shift toward transnational or transcultural discourses of individual- and group-identity formation in Janice Kulyk Keefer's and Myrna Kostash's writing, especially that which records their travels "back" to Ukraine. The central argument of the thesis is that if Ukrainian Canadians are to maintain meaningful ties to their ethnic heritage, they must constantly—if paradoxically—reinvent themselves as Ukrainians and as Canadians. In examining this paradox, the study draws parallels between Lysenko and Kulyk Keefer, both of whom rely on conventional narrative techniques in their writing and privilege nation-based models of identity that marginalize the experiences of ethnic minorities. Haas, Ryga, Suknaski, and Kostash, by contrast, experiment with multiple languages and genres: shaped, thematically and formally, by their experiences as hybrid subjects, their texts illustrate that ethnicity is less product than process; less fixed than fluid; constantly under construction and open to negotiation. The concluding chapter of the thesis, reflecting on the past and the present of Ukrainians in Canada, calls for the next generation of writers to continue re-imagining their communities by pushing the boundaries of existing language and forms.

Using 2005 data from Gallup public opinion surveys on attitudes toward immigration policy in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom this study explores the factors that impact attitudes. Additional analysis is conducted on the United States exploring how economic, political and associative measures impact attitudes.

My dissertation is motivated by two general problems within contemporary North American racial politics. First, the increasing ideological impetus of a “post-racist” society contradicts a spate of events that are symptomatic and constitutive of racial and ethnic essentialisms. Second, the logic of multiculturalism and antiracism has often been expressed in a language of race and identity rooted in a rigid system of immutable differences (Hall, 1997; Ang, 2001). The challenge is to deconstruct race and ethnicity in a language that is critical of new racisms as well as the ways in which racial and ethnic difference is seized and diffused by market multiculturalism. While some theorists have used elements of postmodern theory to develop a “resistance multiculturalism” sensitive to shifting social meanings and floating racial signifiers (see McLaren, 1994), they have rarely explored the political possibilities of “ludic postmodernism” (parody, pastiche, irony) as a critical response to multicultural ideologies. If part of postmodernism as an intellectual movement includes self-reflexivity, self-parody, and the rejection of a foundational “truth,” for example, the various racial and ethnic categories reified under multiculturalism are perhaps open to revision and contestation (Hutcheon, 1989). To develop this particular postmodern critique of multiculturalism, I draw on three case studies concerned with identity and representation in North American popular media. The first case considers vocal impersonation as a disruption to the visual primacy of race by examining the stand-up comedy films of Dave Chappelle, Russell Peters, and Margaret Cho. The second case turns to the postmodern bodies of cyborgs and humanoid robots in the science fiction film I, Robot (2004) as a racial metaphor at the crossroads of whiteness, inhumanity, and redemption. The final case discusses the politics of irony in relation to ethnolinguistic identity and debates surrounding sports mascots. Each case study recycles racial and ethnic stereotypes for a variety of political purposes, drawing out the connections and tensions between postmodernism and multiculturalism. A postmodern critique of multiculturalism may offer antiracist politics an understanding of race and ethnicity rooted in a strategic indeterminacy, which allows for multidimensional political coalitions directed against wider socioeconomic inequalities.

Background: Prediabetes (PD) defined as having glucose values above normal but not high enough to be diagnosed as diabetes, is known to be a risk factor for type 2 diabetes and associated complications. Early prevention efforts can reverse the condition or delay the development of type 2 diabetes. This study examines the sociodemographic risk factors for PD in women. Methods: Using secondary data from National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey NHANES 2005-2006, chi-square analysis was done to find the prevalence of the disease among different categories of women with respect to age, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. Univariate and multivariate analyses were performed to determine the associations of the sociodemographic factors with PD among women. A p-value of <0>.05 and 95% confidence intervals were used to determine statistical significance throughout all the analyses performed. Results: In total, 3,461 cases were included in the study analysis. Cases with indications of PD were found in 716 (20.7%) of the sample. Increased age was consistently associated with PD in women [χ=392.3(3), p<.001]. Prevalence of PD peaked for those aged 60 and above. Results of multivariate analysis suggested that being non-Hispanic Blacks was associated with increased likelihood of PD. Education was found to be significantly associated with PD but an inverse relationship could not be established. Conclusions: As an increase in age was found to be associated with PD in women, early screening and education regarding lifestyle changes can help reverse the condition. Minority groups should be an important focus for PD prevention efforts.

The purpose of this quantitative study was to identify performance differences on the TAKS mathematics assessments in grades three through eight across race/ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status in the years 2004, 2007, and 2010. The guiding research question was: ?What are the differences in mathematics achievement by mathematical objective as depicted by the Texas achievement tests during the years 2004, 2007, and 2010. To respond to the guiding research question, three independent studies were performed to examine race/ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status individually by mathematical objective. Statistical analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests were performed for race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status at a .05 level of significance. Independent samples t tests were administered to determine differences across gender. For study one, statistically significant differences of objective means were identified across every grade and objective with the exception of objective five (probability and statistics) in grade seven between Asian American students and African American students. Study two examined gender and found that no statistically significant differences exist between male and female students. The findings of study two identified that male students were scoring slightly higher across most objectives in 2004, but by 2010 scores between male and female students were more equivalent with male students scoring slightly higher in grades three through five and female students scoring slightly higher in grades six through eight. Study three examined TAKS mathematics data across socioeconomic identifiers and found that significant differences were mostly found in grade three across all objectives between students not identified as economically disadvantaged and students receiving free meals. After grade three, the number of significant differences drastically decreases with all objectives except for objective six (mathematical processes and tools). Significant differences were present across race/ethnicity and across socioeconomic status, but not across gender. An examination of within group data did not identify any statistical significance.

The situation on the Swedish labour market is different in opportunities whether you are a native Swede or someone who has a foreign background. People with foreign backgrounds tend to have lower wages, higher rate of unemployment and often have temporary employment contracts. There is a conception that the Swedish culture is the standard and other foreign cultures are abnormal and different. The purpose of this study has been to investigate why there is discrimination on the labour market against ethnic minorities and how the Swedish history has contributed to the structural ethnic discrimination that we are struggling with. I have been using the right dogmatic method and a social science perspective as complement in order to answer the purpose.   The legislation forbids ethnic discrimination, although the struggle is real and people get discriminated due to their ethnic heritage. Even though there are statistics and studies that confirm the ethnic discrimination on the labour market, the court cases are low and there has only been one conviction since 2002. There is a burden of proof that is controlled in the Swedish legislation, where the one who has been exposed of discrimination must proof that it is so. Then it is up to the defendant to prove the opposite. Because of this Arbetsdomstolen must take a stand whether which party is more reliable, based on both parties ability to persuade. Regarding the two cases known as the “racist cases”, Arbetsdomstolen put importance on the fact that the working atmosphere was harsh and the dialogues between the employees were tough. Even though it clearly was not considered as wanted by all, Arbetsdomstolen went with the majority and did not consider their behavior as discriminating. This could be an indicator on the fact that the structural discrimination against ethnic minorities and the idea of your own culture as the right one and the alienation against cultures that are “divergent” are deeply rooted even in authorities.   All people no matter where you come from should as the law regulates have the same opportunities and rights. I believe the problem is not with the law itself, but with the people and the structure in society. We have to change the way we alienate foreign cultures and undermine them, your ethnicity doesn’t decide your qualifications.

This dissertation investigates the human dimensions of environmental transformations spurred by international climate change mitigation agreements—such as the Kyoto Protocol—that encourage lowering greenhouse gas emissions with ‘green’ market strategies like biofuel and ecological services development projects. It is methodologically grounded in “collaborative activist geographical methods” and theoretically based at the nexus of development, political ecologies, neoliberalization of Nature, and geographies of hope literatures. It examines the contradictory and complex ways that state “climate change mitigation development” projects surround and infiltrate the Indigenous and Afro-ecuadorian ancestral territories of the canton of San Lorenzo (Esmeraldas Province), located in the “Northwest Pacific Fronter Territory-region of Ecuador”. This research asks to what degree the Ecuadorian state’s support and investment in oil palm plantation expansion—designed to meet biofuel crop demands—in the coastal rainforest regions results in the rearrangement, and often times, devastation of Indigenous Awá and Chachi and Afro-ecuadorian communities’ natural and human geographies. It also inquires into the Ecuadorian government’s recently approved (October 2008) state level conservation incentives project called Socio-Bosque (Forest Partners) developed to do the following: protect the rainforests and its ecological services, alleviate poverty in rural areas, and position the country as an ‘environmental world leader’ for taking concrete actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from avoided deforestation. Socio Bosque claims to be progressive and even revolutionary, but may enact new forms of exploitation and governance in Indigenous and Afro-ecuadorian territories that are specific to time and place, but are enduringly colonial. Nevertheless, this research also highlights geographies of hope by demonstrating that, contrary to the surrounding sea of monoculture oil palm plantations and the CO2lonial air of contradictory laws in relation to biofuel and ecological services development, Awá, Chachi, and Afro-ecuadorian communities maintain sustainable practices and enhance agricultural diversity within their territories. Additionally, it emphasizes the emergent place-based social movements in relation to defense of their territories and identities; Indigenous and Afro-ecuadorian communities avoid conflict pressures by creating interethnic networks. By casting social nets between their territories, their communities stay connected and, together, defend their rights to territorial self-determination and “Living Well” and the rights of Nature.

To date, the scholarship covering the Black Codes has centered on these laws' role as the predecessor of Jim Crow. Little study has been given to the laws as a whole--the one encompassing work being Theodore Wilson's Black Codes of the South. Other studies have examined the Black Codes' effect on specific states; however, no specific study has been done on the Black Codes of Kentucky and Tennessee nor has any study been made of these laws' relation to the antebellum Slave Code. This project therefore will represent an attempt to show that the Black Codes of Tennessee and Kentucky bear a direct relation to those states' antebellum Slave Code. The Black Codes of Tennessee and Kentucky were in many instances revised Slave Codes. Often this revision entailed only the removal of the word slave. In other instances, laws applying to free blacks remained on the law books following Reconstruction since they did not apply specifically to slaves and the federal government did not demand their repeal. Both states attempted to pass additional laws which applied to solely freedmen following the Civil War; however, due to Tennessee's position as a former Confederate state, its efforts were thwarted. These aspirations show Kentucky and Tennessee's desire to maintain the antebellum status quo and do not represent the beginning of Jim Crow law. This project will rest mainly on sources from the 1865-1866 period, primarily codes Tennessee and Kentucky's General Assemblies passed during these years. It will also include Slave Codes passed between 1800 and 1860 which were either revised or still in effect during the Black Code era, 1865 to 1866. Whenever secondary sources are used it will be the intent of the author to utilize the primary quotations from within those texts. Finally, it will be seen that the Black Codes of Kentucky and Tennessee owe their form as well as their function to the Slave Code. Likewise it will be clearly seen that the Black Codes were an attempt by Southern legislatures to hold on to the social and racial hierarchy of the antebellum South.

The purpose of this study was to compare between ethnicities if there is a difference in survival and treatment when it comes to cardiovascular diseases in the Middle East. To find out if there is a difference 28 articles was selected for inclusion, both qualitative and quantitative studies. Searches were made in the databases Medline, PubMed, Google and Google Scholar.The results showed that it is possible that there are differences in mortality and morbidity between ethnicities affected by cardiovascular disease. These may be due to differences in abdominal obesity, insulin resistance in diabetes and other risks such as C-reactive protein in the blood plasma which is normally excreted in inflammation in the body and also adiponectin, which is a hormone found in fat tissue whose secretion is diminished in people who have diabetes. But studies saying that a difference does exist are too few and the need for more and larger studies is needed. It may also be that not all ethnicities are as benefited from current treatments available against cardiovascular diseases for example beta-blockers. The conclusion of this study is that more research in this area is needed as well as more comprehensive studies regarding public health in the Middle East. / Syftet med denna studie var att jämföra mellan etniska grupper om det finns en skillnad i överlevnad och behandling när det gäller hjärt-och kärlsjukdomar i Mellanöstern. För att ta reda på det har 28 artiklar valts ut efter inklusionskriterierna, både kvalitativa och kvantitativa studier. Sökningar gjordes i databaserna Medline, Pubmed, Google and Google Scholar.Resultatet visade på att det sannolikt finns skillnader i dödlighet samt sjuklighet mellan etniciteter som drabbats av hjärt- och kärlsjukdomar. Dessa kan bero på skillnader i abdominal fetma, insulin resistens vid diabetes och andra risker så som C-reaktivt protein som finns i blodplasman och i vanliga fall utsöndras vid inflammationer i kroppen och adiponectin som är ett hormon som finns i fettvävnaden vars utsöndring är sämre hos personer som har diabetes. Dock är studierna som visar på skillnader alldeles för få, det behövs fler och större undersökningar inom detta område. Denna litteratur översikt visar också att det även kan vara så att inte alla etniciteter gynnas av dagens behandlingar som finns mot hjärt- och kärlsjukdomar som t ex Betablockerare. Slutsatsen i denna studie är att mer forskning inom ämnet behövs samt fler övergripande studier gällande folkhälsan i Mellanöstern.