Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a trajetória de uma empresa de transporte ferroviário, localizada basicamente no Sul de Minas Gerais, e formada em 1910. Neste mesmo ano, foi realizado um contrato de arrendamento entre o governo federal e a Companhia Viação Férrea Sapucaí. Esta empresa alterou seu nome para Companhia de Estradas de Ferro Federais, CEFFB Rede Sul Mineira, e administrou suas linhas juntamente com as linhas das outras duas companhias arrendadas, a Companhia Estrada de Ferro Muzambinho e Estrada de Ferro Minas e Rio. Com muita expectativa e poucas ações, o desempenho financeiro da Rede Sul Mineira se mostrou ruim, principalmente com o aumento dos custos operacionais, instabilidade no transporte de café, concorrência com outras ferrovias (sobretudo com a Companhia Mogiana de Estradas de Ferro, que também construiu ramais na região) e a eclosão da Primeira Guerra Mundial, realidade que também abarcou outras ferrovias brasileiras. O resultado foi a deterioração das condições do tráfego e a realização de empréstimos franceses, que oneraram ainda mais o frágil quadro financeiro da empresa. Paralelamente, como condição específica da Sul Mineira, percebemos que a relação entre homens de governo, o capital estrangeiro e os negócios da empresa tomou uma dimensão intensa e conturbada, não sendo uma exclusividade dos dias atuais. Tendo o Sul de Minas Gerais se tornado um viveiro de políticos que comandaram o governo estadual e ocuparam até mesmo a Presidência da República, a atuação de políticos profissionais em sua administração foi constante, e reproduziu os embates registrados em tempos de eleições. Entre 1920 e 1921, o governo federal rescindiu o contrato e encampou a companhia. Entre 1921 e 1922, a União entrou em acordo com o estado de Minas Gerais para arrendar a rede ferroviária sul-mineira, em um momento em que o Estado ampliou consideravelmente sua participação na administração de estradas de ferro. Assim, entre 1922 e começo de 1931, a empresa teve o nome alterado para Rede de Viação Sul Mineira. Apesar da piora do desempenho financeiro, estes anos foram marcados por uma tentativa de melhora dos serviços e regularidade do tráfego. Em 1931, um novo contrato de arrendamento foi feito entre a União e Minas Gerais, quando foi criada a Rede Mineira de Viação (RMV). Além da Rede de Viação Sul Mineira, que passou a se chamar Estrada de Ferro Sul de Minas, a RMV também foi composta Estrada de Ferro Oeste de Minas (EFOM, até então administrada pelo governo federal) e Estrada de Ferro Paracatu, que foi incorporada à EFOM e já era administrada pelo governo de Minas. Ao que indicam as fontes, as estradas que formavam a Rede Mineira de Viação sobreviveram com relativa autonomia até 1934, ano limite desta pesquisa. Ainda neste mesmo ano, foi publicado o primeiro Plano Nacional Geral da Viação, que de alguma maneira representou uma mudança na forma como a União tentou lidar com a questão dos transportes no país. / This work has the objective of analyzing the trajectory of a railway transport company, basically located in the South of Minas Gerais, and formed in 1910. Between 1910 and 1920, a lease contract was executed between the federal government and the Companhia Viação Férrea Sapucaí. This company changed its name to Companhia de Estradas de Ferro Federais, CEFFB - Rede Sul Mineira, and managed its lines along with the lines of the other two leased companies, Companhia Estrada de Ferro Muzambinho and Estrada de Ferro Minas e Rio. With a lot of expectation and a few actions, the financial performance of Rede Sul Mineira proved to be poor, mainly due to the increase in operating costs, instability in coffee transportation, competition with other railroads (mainly with Companhia Mogiana de Estradas de Ferro), which also built branches in the region) and the outbreak of World War I, a reality that also encompassed other Brazilian railroads. The result was deteriorating traffic conditions and french loans, which further burdened the company\'s fragile financial framework. At the same time, as a specific condition of Rede Sul Mineira, we perceive that the relationship between government men, foreign capital and the company\'s business has taken on an intense and troubled dimension, not being an exclusivity of the present day. Since the South of Minas Gerais became a \"nursery\" for politicians who commanded the state government and even occupied the Presidency of the Republic, the professional politicians\' performance in its administration was constant, and reproduced the clashes registered in times of elections. Between 1920 and 1921, the federal government rescinded the contract and warded the company. Between 1921 and 1922, the Union entered into an agreement with the state of Minas Gerais to lease the railroad south of Minas Gerais, at a time when the state has considerably expanded its participation in the administration of railroads. Thus, between 1922 and early 1931, the company had the name changed to Rede de Viação Sul Mineira. Despite the worsening financial performance, these years were marked by an attempt to improve services and traffic regularity. In 1931, a new lease was made between the União and Minas Gerais, when the Rede Mineira de Viação (RMV) was created. In addition to the Sul de Mineira Road Network, which was renamed Estrada de Ferro Sul de Minas, the RMV was also composed of the Estrada de Ferro Oeste de Minas (EFOM, formerly administered by the federal government) and Paracatu Railroad, which was incorporated to EFOM and was already administered by the Minas government. As indicated by the sources, the roads that formed the Rede Mineira de Viação survived with relative autonomy until 1934, the limit year of this research. Also in the same year, the first Plano Nacional Geral de Viação was published, which in a way represented a change in the way the Union tried to give it the issue of transport in the country.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-17T12:21:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vitorfonsecafigueiredo.pdf: 2009160 bytes, checksum: 98d93d264b4208bd5dc40875bbffee21 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-18T12:13:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vitorfonsecafigueiredo.pdf: 2009160 bytes, checksum: 98d93d264b4208bd5dc40875bbffee21 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-18T12:13:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vitorfonsecafigueiredo.pdf: 2009160 bytes, checksum: 98d93d264b4208bd5dc40875bbffee21 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-03 / O estudo analisa o voto e a competição política durante a Primeira República, mais especificamente nas disputas para a Câmara Federal no período de 1894 a 1930. Para a realização das análises, optou-se por tomar como foco a dinâmica e as estratégias desenvolvidas em uma oligarquia específica, Minas Gerais. A escolha dessa como objeto de reflexão se justifica pelo fato de Minas ter sido, até 1930, um dos estados brasileiros cuja oligarquia era mais organizada e coesa. Essas características foram tidas pelos pesquisadores como resultados da operacionalização de instrumentos de dominação oligárquica, que tinham como um dos principais recursos a atuação do Partido Republicano Mineiro/PRM. Teoricamente capaz de eliminar as oposições e dissidências, o PRM e a verificação de poderes – essa realizada pela Câmara Federal nas sessões preparatórias de cada início de legislatura para examinar as atas que conferiam o mandato aos eleitos – teriam dominado a cena política, e, consequentemente, inviabilizado a competição eleitoral. Todavia, a análise de dados presentes nos diários e anais do Congresso Nacional (1894-1930), bem como em jornais do mesmo período, indicam a existência de candidaturas em disputa, de forma ativa e constante; e que a própria fraude, de uso recorrente ao longo de todo o período, era um instrumento de luta pelo poder utilizado por todos os contendentes. Nesse sentido, o objetivo do estudo, pautado na perspectiva da história política e de revisão de teses consagradas sobre a Primeira República, é analisar a disputa pelo voto e a competição em Minas Gerais. A hipótese ora defendida é a de que o PRM era o centro dinâmico da política estadual; era a partir de suas decisões que os indivíduos se articulavam, em especial os excluídos de sua lista de candidatos. Assim, a eliminação das oposições e das dissidências não era processada apenas na formação das chapas, e nem pelas chamadas degolas, que ocorriam na verificação de poderes. Ela se dava nas várias fases das eleições, como um processo de depuração. Essa hipótese pode esclarecer porque o número de degolas se manteve, até 1930, em níveis baixos. Além da existência da competição política, outro aspecto constatado foi o de que o processo eleitoral, regulado por sucessivas leis, procurava tornar os pleitos cada vez mais idôneos, o que favorecia a paridade dos atores nas disputas por fatias de poder. Entre 1892 e 1930 foram sancionados três códigos eleitorais, e cada um deles impactou de forma diferenciada as eleições. O terceiro, por sinal, reduziu as degolas, em parte devido a um maior controle na emissão das atas de apuração aos eleitos. O crescente rigor da lei limitou o arbítrio político sobre o processo de formação das bancadas, ampliando a concorrência eleitoral, o que ficou evidente na eleição de 1930. Informações apuradas na documentação do Arquivo de Getúlio Vargas, nos jornais e nas memórias dos contemporâneos atestam a rivalidade ocorrida entre os adversários neste pleito, e as estratégias de intervenção sobre a composição das juntas apuradoras, peças chave na nova configuração do processo eleitoral. / The study analyzes the vote and the political competition during the First Republic, specifically during the battle over the Chamber of Deputies from 1894 to 1930. For the achievement of such analyzes, it was decided to take focus on the dynamics and strategies developed in a specific oligarchy, i.e. Minas Gerais. The choice for such object is justified by the fact that Minas was, until 1930, one of the Brazilian states whose oligarchy was more organized and cohesive. These characteristics were considered by the researchers as a result of the operation of oligarchic domination instruments, which had as one of the key features, the work of the Republican Party of Minas / RPM. Being theoretically able to eliminate the oppositions and the dissidences, the RPM and the verification of credentials - the one held by the House of Representatives during the preparatory sessions in the beginning of each legislature to examine the proceedings that attributed the mandate to the elected ones - would have dominated the political scene, and consequently, make the electoral competition not viable. However, the data analysis found in journals and proceedings of the National Congress (1894-1930), as well as in newspapers in the same period, indicates the existence of candidacies disputing actively and steadily; and that the fraud itself, recurrently use throughout the period, was an instrument of struggle for power used by all the contenders. Therefore, the purpose of this study, based on the political history perspective and the revision of established theories about the First Republic, is to analyze the struggle for voting and the political competition in Minas Gerais. The hypothesis now advocated is that the RPM was the dynamic center of the state policy; and that it was from their decisions that individuals were organized, especially those excluded from the list of candidates. Thus, the elimination of oppositions and dissidences was not processed only in the formation of slates, or the so-called degolas (term similar to “beheading” that was used figuratively to portray the fraudulent practice of Brazilian oligarchies that intervened directly in the results of the elections) which took place during the credentials checking. It occurred during many other stages of the elections, as a depuration process. This hypothesis may explain why the number of degolas remained at low levels, until 1930. In addition to the existence of political competition, another noticed aspect was that the electoral process, regulated by successive laws had the intention to make the pleas more and more convenient, which favored the parity of the actors in the fights over slices of power. Between 1892 and 1930, three electoral codes were sanctioned, and each of them had a different impact on the elections. The third, by the way, reduced the degolas, partly due to a greater control over the electoral proceedings count issued to the elected ones. The growing strictness of the laws limited the political will upon the process benches formation, increasing the electoral competition, which was evident in the election of 1930. Information verified in the Getúlio Vargas File documentation, in newspapers and in the memories of contemporaries, attests the rivalry occurred between the opponents in the election. Intervention strategies on the composition of counting committees are key elements in the new configuration of the electoral process.

[pt] Este trabalho consiste na análise do processo de construção de imagem do compositor Alberto Nepomuceno nas obras de três importantes autores que versam sobre o passado musical brasileiro: Guilherme de Melo, Renato Almeida e Mário de Andrade. Partindo da identificação destes três autores como primeiros e principais conformadores dos elementos constitutivos deste processo, desenvolvese a análise de tais elementos, considerando-se suas compreensões sobre a formação da música brasileira. Tal aspecto consiste no estudo dos projetos delineados por estes autores, considerando-se, sobretudo, o que pensavam sobre questões como: nacionalismo musical, música popular, música erudita, influências étnicas e modelos estético-estilísticas, possibilitando não apenas a apreensão dos tipos de memória sobre a música brasileira que estão sendo produzidas nas primeiras décadas do século XX e os seus respectivos propósitos, mas também a imagem de Brasil musical que se pretende difundir para as gerações subseqüentes. / [en] This paper aims at analyzing the process of image construction of the composer Alberto Nepomuceno in works of three important authors who have written about the Brazilian musical past: Guilherme de Melo, Renato Almeida and Mário de Andrade. After identifying them as the first and most important conformers of the elements constituting the process, such elements were analyzed, considering the authors` points of view on the Brazilian music formation. This aspect consists of the study of the projects developed by them, taking into special consideration their opinion on issues like: musical nationalism, popular music, classical music, ethnic influences and aesthetic and stylistic models, making it possible to understand not only the types of memory of Brazilian music that are being created at the first decades of the XX century and their respective goals, but also the image of musical Brazil which is intended to be transmitted to future generations.

The aim of this diploma thesis is analysis of roots KPC's successes in elections among Prague voters during interwar period. In the centre of the interest is readiness of historical actors for political activism, active participation in demonstrations and the reasons of less evident support, which was manifested through preferences of voters. By methods of social and cultural history this work reconstructs social nets of participants, supporters, activists and voters of KPC during interwar period with special attention on cause of shift individuals toward communist movement. The complex built from ideological discourse and social representations of power of working class, which was transmitted through organizational structures of party, was created with intention to make working class with strong political consciousness - in the other words, with purpose to create group of convinced communists. To catch the process of construction of communist movement members mentality in point of intersection with activity of communist organisations focused to improve of poor lives of Prague periphery inhabitants can offer new point of view on specific position of communist movement in interwar Czechoslovak society. Key words: Communist movement, slums, interwar Prague, election, political activism, ideological...

(in English): The thesis focuses on the regional organisation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) in the Liberec region. In the political system of interwar Czechoslovakia, KSČ was specific in that its members hailed from all local ethnic groups. It was therefore, above all, the local Germans who formed the major part of the Liberec organisation. In the 1920s in some districts within the region, KSČ received up to one third of all votes cast, while throughout the 1930s, its support diminished rapidly in favour of the Sudetendeutsche Partei (SdP). The thesis seeks to clarify the causes of this sudden drop. It identifies as one of the major factors the mutually contradictory identities which were being formed within the local branch of the movement, i.e. the communist, the German and the Czechoslovak identity. These three came into alignment, to a certain degree, only shortly before the Munich Agreement with the emergence of a communist Czechoslovak narrative established on a supraethnic basis. The study also takes note of the developments in the KSČ headquarters in Prague as these had significant impact on the peripheral Liberec organization and further places the problem within the context of the First Czechoslovak Republic and its society. The policies and politics of the central...

Orientadores: Maria Clementina Pereira Cunha, Sidney Chalhoub / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T13:47:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sarti_ThamiresReginaR.M._M.pdf: 1452911 bytes, checksum: 0d97c44d078c3b8c56b85a495cb9b028 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: No início do século XX, ópio, coca e seus derivados, então conhecidos anestésicos e propulsores de "paraísos artificiais", tiveram seus usos transformados em um problema social. O trabalho revela como aconteceu esse processo de ressignificação, bem como os princípios e disputas que envolveram a emergência desse controle em âmbito nacional. A vida das pessoas que foram alvos da nova política mostrou o cotidiano da repressão, usos e significados coletivamente atribuídos aos tóxicos e a articulação desse controle social com valores e correlações de força previamente estabelecidas / Abstract: At the beginning of the 20th century, opium, coca and their derivatives, then known by their anesthetic powers and for forging "artificial paradises", had their usages transformed in a social problem. This work reveals how this ressignification process occurred, as well as the principles and disputes involved in the emergence of their control in a national range. The lives of people targeted by the new policy showed how repression occurred in practice, which usages and meanings were collectivelly assigned to toxics and the links between social control and previously established values and balance of forces / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestra em História

During the First World War intense diplomatic efforts of T. G. Masaryk and his companions helped to create circumstances for the foundation of the Czechoslovak independent state. Extensive propaganda was an important element of the activities of the Czechoslovak National Council, the official organ of Masaryk's group, based in Paris. Revue La Nation Tchèque was a crucial communication channel targeting the French audience. By the means of thematic analysis and elements of historic-discourse analysis, this thesis aims to unveil crucial argumentative lines which were supposed to create the idea of Czechoslovak nation in the mind of the French people. The first chapter introduces the theoretical and methodological framework and deals with the different concepts of nations, it defines propaganda as a type of political communication and presents the approach of discursive creation of national community. In the second part, revue La Nation Tchèque is briefly characterised together with its redaction background. The last part of the thesis is dedicated to the thematic analysis which resulted in three main topics. The first topic focuses on the concept of national history, description of Czechoslovak national character and develops on the relationship with the West European history. The prevailing motive...

The aim of this MA dissertation is to focus on the language isolate of Jihlava mostly in the 20th century. In particular, on the events regarding the situation during the First Republic, when the tension between the Czech and German speaking citizens started to increase. The first part will be dedicated to a territorial and administrative division in order to establish grounds upon which the discussed events will be clarified and described in terms of ethnic and territorial situation. To resume the topic of my BA thesis and to accentuate the facts and results with regard to geographical demarcation, I would like to focus on the presidial writings from which I have already drawn in said thesis. I will attempt to reconstruct all the sources, except for the letters taken from archives which I have already used in my BA thesis. Emphasis will be put on the policy situation and then reports of the security authorities which were monitoring the difficult situation in the language isolate of Jihlava and which were reporting all the relevant information.

Ann Tizia Leitich wrote about America to a Viennese audience as a foreign correspondent with the unique and personal perspective of an immigrant to the United States. Leitich differentiates herself from other Europeans who reported on America in her day by telling of the life of the average working American. In so doing, Leitich uses her work as a foreign correspondent to create a new identity for Austria between the World Wars. Leitich uses America in the 1920's and 1930's as a cultural mirror in which the new Republic of Austria can see itself. Leitich's perspective of America is not only useful to the German-speaking audiences of her time, but also sheds light on America in the interwar period to readers of all backgrounds. Unfortunately, the influence of Leitich's journalism is currently limited to German-speaking audiences. Included are 31 translations of Leitich's articles for the benefit of English-speaking audiences to assist in further analysis of implications of her work.

[pt] A cidade do Rio de Janeiro passou por inúmeras mudanças durante a Primeira República. A então capital do país, vivia profundas mudanças, tais como a abertura da Avenida Central ou a derrubada do morro do Castelo. Foi o momento também da formação das primeiras favelas, que se tornaram elemento incontornável para pensar a cidade. As revistas ilustradas descreveram essa nova cidade que se desenhava com seus valores burgueses. A presente tese identificou o conjunto de caricaturas e charges publicadas pelas revistas O Malho, Careta, Fon Fon, Para Todos, D. Quixote e Tagarela, que, de alguma forma, abordaram direta ou indiretamente as favelas durante a Primeira República. Tais revistas descreveram e representaram a realidade desses espaços e de seus moradores. Esse trabalho buscou compreender o papel do humor no processo de construção das favelas como realidade urbana do Rio de Janeiro. / [en] The city of Rio de Janeiro underwent numerous changes during the First Republic. The then capital of the country was experiencing profound changes, such as the opening of Avenida Central or the demolition of Morro do Castelo. It was also the moment for the formation of the first favelas, which became an unavoidable element in thinking about the city. The illustrated magazines described this new city that was designed with its bourgeois values. This thesis identified the set of caricatures and cartoons published by the magazines O Malho, Careta, Fon Fon, Para Todos, D. Quixote and Tagarela, which, in some way, directly or indirectly addressed the favelas during the First Republic. Such magazines described and represented the reality of these spaces and their residents. This work sought to understand the role of humor in the construction process of favelas as an urban reality in Rio de Janeiro.