Cette enquête s’est proposée de mettre en lumière l’émergence de la fonction de critique interne du champ intellectuel dans les premières décennies du XXe siècle à travers la confrontation de trois cas principaux à Paris, Londres et Vienne, en tentant de dégager des homologies et des logiques de structuration transnationales. La mise en relation de Julien Benda (1867-1956), Karl Kraus (1874-1936) et Gilbert Keith Chesterton (1874-1936) s’appuie principalement sur leur appartenance à une même génération et sur leur fonction commune de critique interne du champ intellectuel. Celle-ci désigne l’intellectuel positionné en tant que critique de son propre milieu, au nom de valeurs intellectuelles. La première partie de ce travail étudie l’émergence d’une instance critique, à travers l’étude des années de formation de Benda, Kraus et Chesterton, et de leur participation à la culture de masse. La deuxième partie entreprend de dégager les caractéristiques principales de la critique interne du champ intellectuel, entre stratégies iconoclastes et stratégies d’ajustement. La troisième partie porte sur les réceptions, les voisinages et les héritages de ces trois critiques du champ intellectuel, dans les aires culturelles anglo-saxonne, germanique et française. L’étude des médiateurs et des récepteurs impliqués dans les transferts culturels révèle ainsi à la fois l’intégration des différents champs intellectuels nationaux à l’échelle de l’Europe et le poids déterminant des problématiques nationales dans les usages qui sont faits des œuvres importées. / This study deals with the birth of the internal critic of the intellectual field, in the first decades of the XXth century, through the confrontation of three major « cases » in Paris, London and Vienna and the identification of homologies and transnational logics of structuration. Our intent to establish links between Julien Benda (1867-1956), Karl Kraus (1874-1936) and Gilbert Keith Chesterton (1874-1936) relies mainly on the fact that they belong to the same generation of intellectuals and have devoted part of their work to internal critic of the intellectual field in their respective countries. The expression "internal critic" refers to the intellectual as a critic of his own social microcosm, taking a stance in the defence of intellectual values. The first part of this PhD focuses on the growth of a critical authority, through the study of the authors' formative years and their action within mass culture. The second part highlights the main distinctive features of the internal critic of the intellectual field, from iconoclastic to adaptative strategies. The third part focuses on the reception of the three authors' work by their contemporaries and thereafter on their legacy in English, German and French-speaking areas. Mediators and receivers involved in cultural transfers reveal the European integration of the various national fields as well as the importance of national issues in the uses that are made of imported works.

The thesis examines the role that Australian graphic satirists play in the theatre of public life. The main focus of the thesis is on newspaper cartoonists but for the purposes of comparative analysis, there is a discussion of a representative selection of satiric texts across different media (essentially, television and radio) since the mid-1960s, and also an historical survey of the development of graphic satire from its origins during the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Apart from a small number of references, this study does not venture into the vast field of on-line satire, a topic more properly addressed in a separate scholarly investigation. Graphic satire in the medium of the newspaper is of particular interest because of its consistent production and wide circulation, its relative freedom from censorship and libel laws, and the ability of the cartoon image to condense and concentrate issues which would be too complex or defamatory in print or on television. Political cartooning as it is understood today emerged during the early nineteenth century, at about the same time as the modern newspaper and the profession of journalism, but graphic satire also has links with a venerable tradition of the artist as social critic and has historically been associated with movements for social justice and democracy. It is in the context of these latter associations that I consider political cartoonists as belonging to the sphere of the public intellectual. The discussion of cartoonists as public intellectuals is framed against a discourse of decline that has been circulating for more than a decade, acquiring an urgency in this country during the later years of the Howard administration. This declinist narrative covers a number of areas of cultural and political life and is not confined to the Australian context; as British writer Helen Small points out, it is “an increasingly transnational conversation” (02:1). Briefly outlined, there is a perception that the terms of public debate have narrowed; that citizens have become disengaged from the democratic process; that between the ‘celebrity intellectual’ and the tenured academic, the life of the mind is not what it used to be, and even political satire itself has been seen by some commentators as being in terminal decline. The different arguments about cultural and social decline can be placed under the more encompassing subject heading of an ongoing debate about democracy and in particular, whether it is functioning as well as it should. With the adoption of neo-liberalism as an overarching political ideology by most western governments in the early 1980s, anxieties about whether the principles of democracy were gradually being usurped or even eroded by the primacy of market values have gathered momentum during the past two decades. The volume of these concerns has been amplified in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, with the state’s increased emphasis on security and control of its citizens being interpreted as threats to some of the basic tenets of the democratic system, such as free speech and the rule of law. In contrast to the various narratives of decline, my thesis proposes that democracy is still very well served by the kind of vigorous and long-standing practice of dissent that the public intellectual represents, and more specifically, the embodiment of this tradition in contemporary newspaper cartoonists. By definition, graphic satire questions and challenges the status quo and at least since Hogarth in the eighteenth century, it has always been a public art-form. Hogarth’s personal involvement in many of the social issues and philanthropic schemes of his day (such as anti-gin legislation and state care for orphans) also exemplifies an important aspect of the extra-professional work of graphic satirists which further links them to the public intellectual. A commitment to social activism and making use of the different platforms available (for example, public speaking and donating work to charities) in order to support, publicise or promote issues of social justice began with Hogarth and continues with contemporary Australian cartoonists.

The thesis examines the role that Australian graphic satirists play in the theatre of public life. The main focus of the thesis is on newspaper cartoonists but for the purposes of comparative analysis, there is a discussion of a representative selection of satiric texts across different media (essentially, television and radio) since the mid-1960s, and also an historical survey of the development of graphic satire from its origins during the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Apart from a small number of references, this study does not venture into the vast field of on-line satire, a topic more properly addressed in a separate scholarly investigation. Graphic satire in the medium of the newspaper is of particular interest because of its consistent production and wide circulation, its relative freedom from censorship and libel laws, and the ability of the cartoon image to condense and concentrate issues which would be too complex or defamatory in print or on television. Political cartooning as it is understood today emerged during the early nineteenth century, at about the same time as the modern newspaper and the profession of journalism, but graphic satire also has links with a venerable tradition of the artist as social critic and has historically been associated with movements for social justice and democracy. It is in the context of these latter associations that I consider political cartoonists as belonging to the sphere of the public intellectual. The discussion of cartoonists as public intellectuals is framed against a discourse of decline that has been circulating for more than a decade, acquiring an urgency in this country during the later years of the Howard administration. This declinist narrative covers a number of areas of cultural and political life and is not confined to the Australian context; as British writer Helen Small points out, it is “an increasingly transnational conversation” (02:1). Briefly outlined, there is a perception that the terms of public debate have narrowed; that citizens have become disengaged from the democratic process; that between the ‘celebrity intellectual’ and the tenured academic, the life of the mind is not what it used to be, and even political satire itself has been seen by some commentators as being in terminal decline. The different arguments about cultural and social decline can be placed under the more encompassing subject heading of an ongoing debate about democracy and in particular, whether it is functioning as well as it should. With the adoption of neo-liberalism as an overarching political ideology by most western governments in the early 1980s, anxieties about whether the principles of democracy were gradually being usurped or even eroded by the primacy of market values have gathered momentum during the past two decades. The volume of these concerns has been amplified in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, with the state’s increased emphasis on security and control of its citizens being interpreted as threats to some of the basic tenets of the democratic system, such as free speech and the rule of law. In contrast to the various narratives of decline, my thesis proposes that democracy is still very well served by the kind of vigorous and long-standing practice of dissent that the public intellectual represents, and more specifically, the embodiment of this tradition in contemporary newspaper cartoonists. By definition, graphic satire questions and challenges the status quo and at least since Hogarth in the eighteenth century, it has always been a public art-form. Hogarth’s personal involvement in many of the social issues and philanthropic schemes of his day (such as anti-gin legislation and state care for orphans) also exemplifies an important aspect of the extra-professional work of graphic satirists which further links them to the public intellectual. A commitment to social activism and making use of the different platforms available (for example, public speaking and donating work to charities) in order to support, publicise or promote issues of social justice began with Hogarth and continues with contemporary Australian cartoonists.

The thesis examines the role that Australian graphic satirists play in the theatre of public life. The main focus of the thesis is on newspaper cartoonists but for the purposes of comparative analysis, there is a discussion of a representative selection of satiric texts across different media (essentially, television and radio) since the mid-1960s, and also an historical survey of the development of graphic satire from its origins during the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Apart from a small number of references, this study does not venture into the vast field of on-line satire, a topic more properly addressed in a separate scholarly investigation. Graphic satire in the medium of the newspaper is of particular interest because of its consistent production and wide circulation, its relative freedom from censorship and libel laws, and the ability of the cartoon image to condense and concentrate issues which would be too complex or defamatory in print or on television. Political cartooning as it is understood today emerged during the early nineteenth century, at about the same time as the modern newspaper and the profession of journalism, but graphic satire also has links with a venerable tradition of the artist as social critic and has historically been associated with movements for social justice and democracy. It is in the context of these latter associations that I consider political cartoonists as belonging to the sphere of the public intellectual. The discussion of cartoonists as public intellectuals is framed against a discourse of decline that has been circulating for more than a decade, acquiring an urgency in this country during the later years of the Howard administration. This declinist narrative covers a number of areas of cultural and political life and is not confined to the Australian context; as British writer Helen Small points out, it is “an increasingly transnational conversation” (02:1). Briefly outlined, there is a perception that the terms of public debate have narrowed; that citizens have become disengaged from the democratic process; that between the ‘celebrity intellectual’ and the tenured academic, the life of the mind is not what it used to be, and even political satire itself has been seen by some commentators as being in terminal decline. The different arguments about cultural and social decline can be placed under the more encompassing subject heading of an ongoing debate about democracy and in particular, whether it is functioning as well as it should. With the adoption of neo-liberalism as an overarching political ideology by most western governments in the early 1980s, anxieties about whether the principles of democracy were gradually being usurped or even eroded by the primacy of market values have gathered momentum during the past two decades. The volume of these concerns has been amplified in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, with the state’s increased emphasis on security and control of its citizens being interpreted as threats to some of the basic tenets of the democratic system, such as free speech and the rule of law. In contrast to the various narratives of decline, my thesis proposes that democracy is still very well served by the kind of vigorous and long-standing practice of dissent that the public intellectual represents, and more specifically, the embodiment of this tradition in contemporary newspaper cartoonists. By definition, graphic satire questions and challenges the status quo and at least since Hogarth in the eighteenth century, it has always been a public art-form. Hogarth’s personal involvement in many of the social issues and philanthropic schemes of his day (such as anti-gin legislation and state care for orphans) also exemplifies an important aspect of the extra-professional work of graphic satirists which further links them to the public intellectual. A commitment to social activism and making use of the different platforms available (for example, public speaking and donating work to charities) in order to support, publicise or promote issues of social justice began with Hogarth and continues with contemporary Australian cartoonists.

This research examines British intellectual debates on warfare throughout the mid-20th century. The thesis identifies different discourses that emerged as a result of the changes in international relations and military technology at this time. It posits that intellectual contribution on the whole had a more significant impact than many historians have previously accredited. The thesis examines the work of specific intellectuals that made significant and detailed input into these debates and identifies their role in framing these discourses, as individuals and as part of a larger intellectual community. It also highlights the involvement of these intellectuals within the state apparatus and links their intellectual contribution to their role in government. The subject of war and its perception by intellectuals is conspicuously absent in the historiography on British intellectuals. Some of the most important studies of British intellectuals, including Stefan Collini’s Absent Minds, have engaged only slightly or not at all with the intellectual discourse surrounding international relations and warfare. This thesis attempts to fill this gap for the middle of the 20th century and demonstrates that warfare became a prolific and highly visible part of the contribution of intellectuals to British life. Recent literature has attempted to discuss the British state as a warfare state, rejecting arguments on British declinism. The thesis engages with this debate, and while it focuses on Britain’s approach to warfare, it also challenges the interpretation of Britain as either a welfare or a warfare state. The study of intellectuals does not feature heavily within this historiography on British warfare. While historians, such as David Edgerton, engage with specific intellectuals and their writings, a discussion of intellectual discourse does not appear within these analyses. This thesis argues that intellectuals as a group developed ideas and arguments on warfare and the British state in conjunction with one another, creating an intellectual discourse which influenced political decision making and public opinion. The thesis also examines a more modern understanding of the intellectual: the expert. Using both scientific and military thinkers, the thesis explores how experts became intellectuals in response to the growing threat of warfare and the rise of a military-industrial complex. Using intellectuals that conform to the classic definition alongside expert intellectuals, the thesis highlights the importance of analysing both groups as part of the larger whole, and discusses the similarities and differences between the works generated by these intellectuals. The thesis spans the years from 1932 to 1963 and discusses the continuities between intellectual debates across this period. The post-war years and the nuclear conflict feature heavily within this analysis, but the thesis highlights the importance of the 1930s in influencing later intellectual perceptions of the nuclear age and the fight against communism. The majority of this research resulted from sources published within the public domain including monographs, newspaper and periodical articles, public speeches and radio broadcasts. The research also uses the personal archives of the individual intellectuals and political documents from the time, including papers from the Ministry of Defence located in the National Archives, Defence White Papers and the Hansard House of Commons official reports.

Submitted by Ana Paula Sampaio Caldeira (paideia@ig.com.br) on 2015-07-02T01:50:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Ana Paula Sampaio Caldeira_versão final_pós defesa.pdf: 7814155 bytes, checksum: e6992297aa93e57c6df2a4585db43833 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2015-08-26T19:25:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Ana Paula Sampaio Caldeira_versão final_pós defesa.pdf: 7814155 bytes, checksum: e6992297aa93e57c6df2a4585db43833 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-08-28T12:14:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Ana Paula Sampaio Caldeira_versão final_pós defesa.pdf: 7814155 bytes, checksum: e6992297aa93e57c6df2a4585db43833 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-28T12:14:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Ana Paula Sampaio Caldeira_versão final_pós defesa.pdf: 7814155 bytes, checksum: e6992297aa93e57c6df2a4585db43833 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-26 / In 1870, the young and virtually unknown Benjamin Franklin Ramiz Galvão was appointed to the position of director of the National Library; he left his position twelve years later, already as a renowned scholar, to become the tutor of the grandchildren of D. Pedro II. During the period in which he was in charge of that institution, Ramiz Galvão planned to make that space the library of the Brazilian nation. That meant creating an institution whose functions were to safeguard the Brazilian documentary heritage, make it available to specialized groups, and encourage studies on the history and geography of the country. The goal was to make the National Library a place of reference, consonant with their European counterparts and in dialogue with the national literate media. In this context, Galvão had a fundamental role in the creation of a network of sociability that linked him to scholars, booksellers, bibliophiles and librarians from different parts of Brazil, America and Europe. This doctoral dissertation evaluates the Ramiz Galvão’s proposal to recast the National Library, trying to associate it with a larger project of construction of the Brazilian nation. For this, three elements considered as the main factors in the process of building a national Library were investigated: 1) the creation of a service routine, which was able to transform a small space with books of the former Royal Library into the most important library in Brazil; 2) the effort of acquiring and selecting a Brazilian documentary heritage, and making it available in publications, such as the Anais da Biblioteca Nacional (Proceedings of the National Library) and the Catálogo da Exposição de História do Brasil (Catalog of the Exhibition of History of Brazil), which are two of his most important works as a director; and 3) the role of Ramiz Galvão as a cultural mediator in the Brazilian literate environment of the late nineteenth century. / Em 1870, o jovem e praticamente desconhecido Benjamin Franklin Ramiz Galvão foi nomeado para ocupar o cargo de diretor da Biblioteca Nacional, posto do qual saiu doze anos depois, já como intelectual consagrado, para assumir a função de tutor dos netos de D. Pedro II. Durante o período em que esteve à frente desta instituição, Ramiz Galvão projetou fazer daquele espaço a biblioteca da nação brasileira. Isso significava construir uma instituição cuja função fosse salvaguardar o patrimônio documental brasileiro, torná-lo disponível a um público especializado e estimular estudos sobre a história e a geografia do país. O objetivo era fazer da Biblioteca Nacional um lugar de referência, sintonizada com suas congêneres europeias e em diálogo com os meios letrados nacionais. Nesse sentido, a atuação de Galvão foi fundamental para a construção de uma rede de sociabilidade que o ligava a estudiosos, livreiros, bibliófilos e bibliotecários de diversos lugares do Brasil, da América e da Europa. Esta tese analisa a proposta de reformulação da Biblioteca Nacional empreendida por Ramiz Galvão, buscando associá-la a um projeto maior de construção da nação brasileira. Para isso, investigaremos três elementos que consideramos principais desse trabalho de edificação de uma Biblioteca nacional: 1) a construção de uma rotina de serviços, que foi capaz de transformar o pequeno espaço com livros da antiga Biblioteca Real na mais importante biblioteca do Brasil; 2) o esforço de aquisição e de seleção de um patrimônio documental brasileiro e sua divulgação em publicações como os Anais da Biblioteca Nacional e o Catálogo da Exposição de História do Brasil, dois de seus mais importantes empreendimentos como diretor; 3) a atuação de Ramiz Galvão como mediador cultural no ambiente letrado brasileiro do final do século XIX.

Dezenove entrevistas realizadas com professores titulares pertencentes à Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo, permitiram examinar a construção de uma memória coletiva sobre o papel desta instituição na transição política da ditadura para a democracia no Brasil. As histórias de vida possibilitaram investigar como os docentes se apropriaram do processo de profissionalização acadêmica determinado pela Lei 5540/68. O objetivo desta tese é demonstrar como o fim das cátedras e a conquista de uma autonomia intelectual baseada na carreira pública foram responsáveis por reorientar os projetos coletivos e resignificar as relações estabelecidas pelos professores com a sociedade no período democrático. A reintrodução da questão democrática no final dos anos 1970 trouxe à tona pautas políticas divergentes que explicitaram diferentes concepções a respeito da função dos intelectuais na sociedade. A intenção desta pesquisa é evidenciar como a comunidade docente forjada em um contexto de modernidade radicalizada, reiterou seu compromisso na defesa do ensino público e o desejo de interferir nos destinos do país / The realization of nineteen interviews with full professors from the Faculty of Philosophy, Language and Human Sciences (FFLCH) in the University of São Paulo provided the possibility to examine the construction of a collective memory concerning the role of this institution in the political transition from dictatorship to democracy in Brazil. The paths of intellectual life allowed the investigation of how the professors appropriated the process of academic professionalization determined by the Law 5540/68. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the way the end of the professorship and the conquest of intellectual autonomy based on a public career were responsible to redirect the collective projects and revaluate the relations established between professors and society in the democratic period. The reintroduction of the democratic issue in the end of the seventies brought to light divergent political contexts that emphasized different conceptions related to the function of intellectuals in society. The objective of this research is to clarify how the docent community established in a context of radical modernity reaffirmed its commitment in defense of public education and the desire to interfere in the destinies of the country

Loin d’être un terme dépassé, « l’engagement » reste, au prix de certains élargissements, une notion opératoire pour l’analyse littéraire, tant en Occident que dans d’autres régions du monde. Repenser l’engagement littéraire comme la « dénonciation d’un inacceptable » permet de mettre au jour et de confronter les stratégies rhétorico-poétiques caractérisant la production littéraire d’auteurs contemporains aussi divers que Waris Dirie, Peter Handke, Jean-Marie Gustave Le Clézio, Toni Morrison, Taslima Nasreen, Ben Okri, Orhan Pamuk, Salman Rushdie et Luis Sepúlveda. Nous cherchons ainsi à mettre en évidence l’intégration par les textes étudiés d’éléments idéaux-typiques de l’engagement littéraire, de l’investissement auctorial à la confrontation au politique. Ces éléments, liés à des discours théoriques dont certains ont parcouru tout le vingtième siècle, sont examinés selon leurs différentes élaborations dans les textes. En effet, c’est en faisant évoluer certains de ses traits idéaux-typiques que les auteurs étudiés renouvellent l’engagement littéraire. On peut dès lors présenter celui-ci comme la dénonciation, pas systématiquement polémique, d’un inacceptable. Cette notion d’« inacceptable », qui suppose entre autres la construction textuelle d’un jugement moral, permet ainsi d’entreprendre non seulement une analyse transhistorique, qui déborde la conceptualisation sartrienne, mais également une approche transculturelle de l’engagement littéraire. / Far from being an outdated notion, "commitment" remains, with some enlargements, a valid concept for literary analysis, in the West as much as in other regions of the world. Rethinking literary commitment as the "denunciation of an unacceptable" allows us to unfold and compare the various rhetorical and poetic strategies characterizing the literary production of contemporary authors as diverse as Waris Dirie, Peter Handke, Jean-Marie Gustave Le Clézio, Toni Morrison, Taslima Nasreen, Ben Okri, Orhan Pamuk, Salman Rushdie and Luis Sepúlveda. We seek to highlight the ideal-typical elements of literary commitment in these texts, such as the authorial presence or the advocacy of certain political programmes. These elements are related to various theoretical discourses, some of which have traveled through the twentieth century. We examine their different patterns in the texts, showing that our authors renew literary commitment through the reorganization and alteration of its usual features. Thus, we define literary commitment as the denunciation of an unacceptable that is not necessarily polemical. The notion of "unacceptable", which implies the textual construction of a moral judgment, allows us not only to undertake a transhistorical analysis, which goes beyond the Sartrean conceptualization, but also to engage in a cross-cultural study of literary commitment.

Dezenove entrevistas realizadas com professores titulares pertencentes à Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo, permitiram examinar a construção de uma memória coletiva sobre o papel desta instituição na transição política da ditadura para a democracia no Brasil. As histórias de vida possibilitaram investigar como os docentes se apropriaram do processo de profissionalização acadêmica determinado pela Lei 5540/68. O objetivo desta tese é demonstrar como o fim das cátedras e a conquista de uma autonomia intelectual baseada na carreira pública foram responsáveis por reorientar os projetos coletivos e resignificar as relações estabelecidas pelos professores com a sociedade no período democrático. A reintrodução da questão democrática no final dos anos 1970 trouxe à tona pautas políticas divergentes que explicitaram diferentes concepções a respeito da função dos intelectuais na sociedade. A intenção desta pesquisa é evidenciar como a comunidade docente forjada em um contexto de modernidade radicalizada, reiterou seu compromisso na defesa do ensino público e o desejo de interferir nos destinos do país / The realization of nineteen interviews with full professors from the Faculty of Philosophy, Language and Human Sciences (FFLCH) in the University of São Paulo provided the possibility to examine the construction of a collective memory concerning the role of this institution in the political transition from dictatorship to democracy in Brazil. The paths of intellectual life allowed the investigation of how the professors appropriated the process of academic professionalization determined by the Law 5540/68. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the way the end of the professorship and the conquest of intellectual autonomy based on a public career were responsible to redirect the collective projects and revaluate the relations established between professors and society in the democratic period. The reintroduction of the democratic issue in the end of the seventies brought to light divergent political contexts that emphasized different conceptions related to the function of intellectuals in society. The objective of this research is to clarify how the docent community established in a context of radical modernity reaffirmed its commitment in defense of public education and the desire to interfere in the destinies of the country

[pt] Esta tese analisa a atuação dos irmãos José Condé (1917-1971), João Condé (1912-1996) e Elysio Condé (1906-1992) na sociabilidade intelectual brasileira. Nos diversos suportes midiáticos em que desenvolveram as suas atividades intelectuais, os irmãos Condé foram reconhecidos como homens de letras por seus pares e pela comunidade leitora da época. João, José e Elysio atuaram como editores de colunas e seções do Jornal de Letras (JL). Além da atuação no JL que abordaremos a fundo ao longo da tese, João foi editor de livros e se destacou como jornalista literário com os seus Arquivos Implacáveis; José foi romancista, crítico literário e cronista e Elysio, embora médico, destacou-se sobretudo como empresário de imprensa – sua atuação viabilizou a longa vida do periódico. Na qualidade de letrados, assumiram distintas funções no mundo literário, no mercado editorial do período e na difusão de bens culturais. Funções que eles exerceram como mediadores entre o mundo letrado dos autores e o público-leitor, divulgando conhecimentos literários e culturais, de modo geral, e no caso do JL por meio da imprensa. Portanto, este trabalho objetivou evidenciar a interlocução e a significativa rede intelectual que os irmãos Condé desenvolveram a partir de suas atividades e de seus projetos em comum. Nesse sentido, a imprensa ocupa lugar singular nesta tese, como objeto analisado em sua historicidade. Por meio dela os irmãos Condé deixaram vestígios de suas atuações, indispensáveis para a compreensão das Histórias da Imprensa e Literatura Brasileiras da segunda metade do século XX. A simbiose com os agentes em questão, produtores desse mundo impresso, reserva à imprensa lugar na produção e na alteração de sentido, bem como na transformação daquela sociedade. / [en] This thesis analyzes the performance of the brothers José Condé (1917-1971), João Condé (1912-1996) and Elysio Condé (1906-1992) in intellectual sociability Brazilian. In the different media supports in which they developed their intellectual activities, the Condé brothers were recognized asmen of letters by his peers and the reading community of the time. João, José and Elysio acted as editors of columns and sections of the Jornal de Letras (JL). In addition to his work at JL, which we will discuss in depth throughout this thesis, João was a book editor and stood out as a literary journalist with his Arquivos Implacáveis; José was a novelist, literary critic, and columnist and Elysio, although a physician, stood out above all as a press entrepreneur – his work made the periodical s long life possible. As scholars, they took on different functions in the literary world, in the publishing market of the period and in the dissemination of cultural goods. Functions they performed as mediators between the literate world of the authors and the readership, disseminating literary and cultural knowledge in general, and in the case of JL through the press. Therefore, this work aimed to highlight the interlocution and the significant intellectual network that the Condé brothers developed from their activities and their common projects. In this sense, the press occupies a unique place in this thesis, as an object analyzed in its historicity. Through it, the Condé brothers left traces of their actions, essential for understanding the Histories of the Brazilian Press and Literature of the second half of the 20th century. The symbiosis with the agents in question, producers of this printed world, reserves a place for the press in the production and alteration of meaning, as well as in the transformation of that society.