Suite à la montée de l’immigration en Belgique, le rôle que joue la vie associative des personnes issues de l’immigration au sein de l’espace politique a pris une place croissante dans les débats à la fois publics et scientifiques. Selon Fennema et Tillie (1999 ;2001), une vie associative ethnique florissante constituerait une condition importante pour le développement de la participation politique des membres d’une population ethnique. Si cette hypothèse a été mise à l’épreuve, avec des succès mitigés, dans différents contextes européens et nord-américains, elle ne l’a été que rarement dans une ville telle que Bruxelles, dont certaines caractéristiques sont pourtant susceptibles d’éclairer le débat. L’objectif principal de cette thèse est dès lors d’analyser la situation à Bruxelles, en prenant en considération différentes populations issues de l’immigration et d’éclaircir le rôle que jouent les associations de migrants sur l’intégration politique de ces derniers.<p><p>Ce travail s’articule autour de deux questionnements de recherche. Le premier a pour objectif d’apporter des éléments nouveaux quant aux théories existantes portant sur la participation politique et l’engagement civique (capital social) des populations ethniques minoritaires. Il s’agit d’examiner, d’une part, la nature de la relation entre participation associative et politique et, d’autre part, certains processus explicatifs sous-jacents. Le second questionnement vise à fournir de nouvelles informations à propos de différentes populations d’origine étrangère dont la vie associative et politique aura été investiguée. Celles qui ont été choisies dans le cadre de cette thèse relèvent des immigrations, hors Union européenne, les plus nombreuses à Bruxelles. Il s’agit, en l’occurrence, des populations d’origine marocaine, turque et congolaise.<p><p>A partir de données quantitatives récoltées en 2009 auprès d’échantillons représentatifs de personnes issues de l’immigration marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles ainsi que d’un groupe contrôle non-issu de l’immigration, cette thèse apporte des éléments originaux à la fois au niveau théorique et empirique.<p><p>D’abord, nous avons pu confirmer le fait que le capital social est un facteur essentiel favorisant le développement de la participation politique, à la fois au niveau agrégé et individuel. De plus, nos résultats montrent également, en particulier au niveau individuel, que le capital social ethnique est un facteur plus important que le capital social multiethnique pour expliquer la participation politique des personnes issues de l’immigration. Contrairement à ce qui est parfois admis, le regroupement communautaire ne pousserait pas à l’institutionnalisation du repli ethnique mais, au contraire, lorsqu’il est organisé sous une forme associative, constituerait un tremplin vers la participation à la vie démocratique du pays d’accueil, offrant ainsi des opportunités civiques remarquables aux personnes qui en font partie. <p><p>Ensuite, malgré le large consensus au plan théorique qui existe à propos du rôle médiateur des confiances sociale et politique pour expliquer la relation entre le capital social et la participation politique, nos résultats sont loin d’étayer cette hypothèse :l’accumulation du capital social ne permet pas d’expliquer l’effet mobilisateur des associations bénévoles. Les aspects "non-normatifs" du capital social, tels que l’accès aux informations (politiques) ou aux compétences civiques, par exemple, pourraient être de meilleurs prédicteurs du comportement politique. De plus, pour les personnes issues de l’immigration, peu importe leur origine, leur participation associative est négativement associée à la confiance politique qui, elle, montre un lien négatif avec la participation politique. Cette constatation jette un nouvel éclairage quant au débat relatif aux causes et conséquences des faibles niveaux de confiance politique et étaye les études montrant que la confiance politique n’est pas systématiquement associée à une plus grande participation politique. En l’occurrence, un faible niveau de confiance pourrait augmenter la participation politique dans certaines situations à travers une nouvelle génération dite de "citoyens critiques".<p><p>Enfin, bien que nos résultats aient mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes entre les populations étudiées, nous avons identifié diverses particularités liées aux origines nationales en interaction avec le contexte institutionnel et politique bruxellois, rejoignant ainsi la littérature liée à l’impact des structures d’opportunités politiques ainsi qu’aux spécificités des groupes de migrants pris en considération. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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The topic of this diploma thesis is the analysis of attention paid and care given by Czechoslovakia to its compatriots in France during the time period between World Wars 1 and 2. First four chapters are dedicated to the background of later research into the subject. These chapters gradually outline the situation concerning Czech and Slovak emigrants in France, the structure and development of Czechoslovak compatriot associations in France, summary of Czechoslovak government institutions as well as private organizations providing care for Czechoslovak compatriots abroad, followed by an outline of emigrant congresses where the migrants presented their needs and the associated effort to raise awareness about the lives of emigrants in their homeland. Principal merit of this thesis is in its actual research into the attitude of Czechoslovakia towards its compatriots from social, cultural and religious viewpoints, partially even from the economic standpoint but this sector is mostly interwoven into other chapters. The present author reached the conclusion that despite a substantial number of organizations engaged in this matter, care for compatriots provided by Czechoslovakia was inadequate in its entirety, both in the sphere of financial, material or spiritual support and in terms of relatively weak...

Illegal immigration has been a major topic of concern in the last few years in both the United States and the European Union; the policies and practices of border control and the use of detention have often been the center for political debate. Assessing the policies in the United States and the European Union in regards to how 'liberal' each are carried out through practice provides insight to the disparity between policy and practice. The thesis analyzes and compares the discourse used written into the policies, official government guidelines, and reports which focus on the approval and criticism of how the polices are put into practice through the United States and European Union government agencies; whist providing data on recent illegal immigrant trends along the U.S.-Mexican border, as well as the Greek-Turkish border. The results discovered conclude that the European Union writes more 'liberal' discourse into their policy and government guidelines than the United States; the European Union illustrates more concern for fundamental individual rights while carrying out practice along the borders; but is falling short in ensuring that Member States (such as Greece) carry out other policy areas up to European Union standards, in this case the use of detention. The implications of the thesis offer...

Après avoir été un pays d'émigration pendant plus d'un siècle, l'Italie a connu trente ans d'immigrations internationales. Dans ce contexte, la question se pose aujourd'hui de la citoyenneté des jeunes enfants d'immigrés, dans le sens formel d'accès à la nationalité – aujourd'hui fondé sur le droit du sang, et sur un mode d'acquisition iure soli subordonnée à la résidence, à une déclaration de volonté de l'intéressé, et différée à sa majorité – et dans le sens substantiel d'inclusion dans la communauté politique. La thèse a l'objectif d'ouvrir à l'enquête empirique ce concept – central dans la science politique mais également «essentiellement contesté» - dans ses relations aux sphères du national, du religieux et du politique, et de repenser ainsi la question de la citoyenneté nationale. Elle se constitue de deux parties : l'analyse des représentations sociales de la citoyenneté au sein d'un groupe de «jeunes musulmans enfants d'immigrés» dans la ville de Gênes – aboutissant sur la construction de trois «modèles de citoyenneté» ; et une enquête de terrain au sein d'associations dites «de jeunes musulmans» ou « enfants d'immigrés », et au sein de l'Ufficio Cittadinanza del Comune di Genova. L'ethnographie permet de compléter l'analyse en prenant en considération les pratiques et les processus par lesquels différentes significations de la citoyenneté sont négociées par une pluralité d'acteurs au sein de relations de pouvoir. Une approche comparative construisant le cas français comme « cas miroir » permet de mettre en discussion la conception hyper-typée opposant « nation ethnique » et « nation éthique », et de proposer quelques pistes de montée en généralité théorique. / After more than a hundred years of massive emigration and about thirty of immigration, Italy now faces the issue of second generation immigrants' citizenship, both in the sense of the acces to legal status of citizen – now based on ius sanguinis, with the possibility of acquiring the citizenship iure soli at the age of eighteen under the condition of permanent residence and following an expression of intent – and in the substancial sense of inclusion within the political community.This dissertation has the aim to open the concept of citizenship – as central in the political science as it is «essentially contested» - to empirical research, in its connections with national, religious and political spheres, leading to a rethinking of the national citizenship question. It is broadly devided into two parts : in the first, social representations of citizenship among a groupe of «young muslim immigrants children» are analysed, leading to three «models of citizenship»; in the second, a fieldwork within «young muslim immigrants children» associations and within the Citizenship Office of Genoa Municipality is realised. Ethnography permits to complete the analyses by taking into accout practices and processes through wich different meanings of citizenship are negociated, among power relations. A comparative approach adopting the French case as a «mirror» to the Italian one, allows to discuss a stereotyped opposition between «ethnical» and «ethical» nations, and propose a few paths to theoretical generalization.

Most existing research on Muslims and transnational Islam originates from Europe. However, the Muslim population in Europe differs from American Muslims in a number of important ways. In this research I aim to address the general paucity in sociological literature that originates from the U.S. and focus on the mosque as a space where American Muslim identity forms and evolves for both first- and second-generation American Muslims. I examine two American mosques in South Florida as the sites of the development of American Muslim identities based on ethnographic data and participant interviews. I find that the research sites perform functions that are consistent with the provision of refuge, resources, and respectability as classified by Hirschman (2004). The mosques I studied demonstrate the use of educational and cultural functions to transfer religious and cultural identity to younger generations of American Muslims. I also find the research sites to be spaces that are inclusive for women and children, which is different from mosques in Muslim- majority countries, but consistent with the findings of other scholars. I find that the two mosques I studied extend institutional services to facilitate linguistic and logistical assimilation of their members, encourage members’ political engagement through sermons, voter registration drives, and meetings with political candidates, and to engage in interfaith outreach efforts as means of assimilation. I find intergenerational differences in attitudes towards women’s spaces and resources at the two mosques. I also find evidence of a shift in norms that indicates greater flexibility and reflection upon the norms of mainstream American society. Finally, I find that second-generation American Muslims experience a move away from parental cultures towards textual “pure” Islam and prefer to adopt a “Muslim first” identity, as some other scholars have noted. While this study sheds light on several themes that weave to create American Muslim identities, there is a need for more in-depth research on the assimilation trajectories of members that belong to diverse or homogenous mosques. The findings from this study also highlight the need for more extensive quantitative analysis of women’s roles and responsibilities in American mosques, as well as intergenerational differences in assimilation in the American Muslim community.

The Lonely Planet advises visitors to Granada, Spain to "turn off...into the cobbled alleys of Calderería Vieja or Nueva and in a few steps you've left Europe behind." La Calderería is known for its Arab influences and North African immigrant businesses. A tourist's ability to easily step off one continent and enter another realm demonstrates an imagined border between Europe and the Orient, especially North Africa, that is created by historical narratives, policy discourses and daily practices. The antagonism between an imagined white, Catholic and European Spain vis-à-vis its North African Muslim neighbors is fundamental to the history of the Spanish nation. This East/West divide has recently been recast as Moroccan immigration, inspired by proximity and colonial legacies, since the 1980s has made Moroccan the largest immigrant group by nationality in Spain. Supranational borders, neighborhoods and specific streets participate in an intense debate about cultural difference, based on a complicated mixture of racial, ethnic and religious categories. Concurrently, more regional autonomy within the Spanish state has led Andalusia to reclaim its Islamic heritage, especially in Granada where tourism is important economically. This has dovetailed with gentrification of the Albayzín. Both the appropriation of the Islamic period of Iberian history and the contemporary social exclusion of Moroccan immigrants are realized through Orientalism. In La Calderería, tea, souvenirs, male Moroccan vendors, Western female tourists, pavement, cultural conservation, public space ordinances and police surveillance create a site where public and private space blurs and ‘practical orientalism’ constitutes subjects performing and resisting the identities prescribed to them. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

In this thesis I use the case study of Portuguese construction workers in Toronto to provide an assessment of how Canada’s skill-based immigrant selection policies treat workers with low human capital. Government rhetoric and much academic writing has presented skill-based immigration programs as responding effectively to the needs of the labour market, and as a progressive move away from the racist and particularistic exclusions present in previous policies. However, the case study presented in this thesis provides a less optimistic reading of the situation. A persistent labour shortage in manual trades, and a selection system that excludes ‘blue collar’ workers from permanent membership, suggest an immigration policy that is neither in synch with the needs of the labour market nor justly administered. Through a discursive policy analysis, I critique Canadian citizenship and immigration policy in two areas. First, policies have been built on flawed assumptions about how certain segments of the labour market function, leading them to place too high a premium on human capital. Second, workers with low human capital tend to be denied permanent membership and held on precarious legal statuses. The result is a differential access to key social, civic and economic rights depending on a migrant’s skill category. An image of ‘fragmented citizenship’ therefore appears more realistic than writings proclaiming an expansion of universal rights and the emergence of a postnational mode of belonging. The new exclusions of skill-based selection systems have not gone unchallenged. In the case of Toronto’s Portuguese community, protests in 2006 surrounding the deportation of undocumented construction workers served to visibly challenge the state’s definition of what constitutes a ‘desirable citizen’. The protests generated wide public support by engaging a traditional logic of national citizenship, arguing that the Portuguese fit the bill as ‘good Canadians’, though this came at the cost of reinforcing the barriers to entry for other groups of migrants. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

A ‘sense of belonging’ has been found to have positive effects for all children in school. However, it may be difficult to promote with INA pupils who face cultural, language and systemic barriers. To date, there has been little attempt at investigating the factors in school that can promote a sense of belonging for these pupils. This research attempts to fill some of the gaps in the research that have been identified. Unlike the other research that does exist in this field, the current study focuses on the experience of secondary school aged pupils specifically in UK schools.Two secondary schools were identified to take part in the research through purposive sampling. One a mixed school and the other an all-boys school, both schools have experience of supporting INA pupils. Young people in Year 8-10 were selected as the focus of this research to avoid exam and transition periods. In total 5 INA pupils, 11 peers and 13 staff members contributed to the research. A case study design was used that involved 5 semi-structured interviews, 2 peer focus groups and 2 staff focus groups. The data were partially transcribed and thematic analysis was used to highlight key themes.The findings revealed that ‘belonging’ is a complex, dynamic construct which may also have different cultural connotations. There are many shared themes in relation to conceptualizing belonging and the strategies that are used by the two schools. These findings have wide implications for schools’ practice in relation to supporting INA pupils to foster a sense of belonging and acculturate to their new home.

Depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du gouvernement conservateur de Stephen Harper, les réformes du système migratoire se sont succédées les unes après les autres. C'est d'abord au ministre Jason Kenney à qui le premier ministre a confié la tâche de réformer en accéléré le système d'immigration canadien. En poste entre 2008 et 2013, il a procédé à une quantité importante de réformes. Cela constitue un tournant dans l'histoire politique canadienne. Pour mieux comprendre les politiques publiques en immigration, cette thèse se penche sur le rôle et l'influence exercée par les médias sur les réformes de 2010 et de 2012, de leur présentation devant le Parlement à leur adoption. Souvent laissés de côté par les spécialistes de l'immigration, la thèse reconnaît que les médias sont l'un des facteurs externes ayant eu un effet sur la politique d'immigration pendant l'ère Kenney. Leur influence s’exerce à un moment précis. Lors de l’étude des réformes devant le Parlement, les médias exercent une influence non négligeable grâce à leur habileté à sensibiliser le public sur certains sujets précis et par la suite en guidant son jugement, dominant ainsi l’ordre du jour des affaires publiques.