This paper investigates the influence of two representative other-regarding preferences on specified issues. The first chapter studies the preferred tax rate and labor supplies of voters in the presence of income inequality aversion in a two-stage redistribution game. The two-stage redistribution game consists of a first stage in which voters vote for a flat tax rate on income with the revenues redistributed evenly and a second stage in which workers, who are also voters, provide the labor supplies with the tax rate given. I specify inequality aversion preferences into two ways: The payoff inequality aversion represents people's preference to divide their material payoff evenly, and the income inequality aversion represents people's preference to divide their income evenly without considering their efforts to earn that income. In conclusion, payoff inequality-averse workers provide the same labor supplied as a worker who does not have any inequality aversions (a standard worker) but prefers a higher tax rate to a standard worker. The income inequality-averse workers, first, provide their labor supply considering their positions in a skill distribution and, therefore, adjust their labor supply such that the income curve becomes flatter. High-skilled workers tend to earn less income, while low-skilled workers tend to earn more income. Second, the income share of the richest decreases with the degree of inequality aversion up to a point. Third, inequality-averse workers do not necessarily prefer a higher tax rate to a standard worker, mainly because some level of income inequality is already self-adjusted in the second stage. The second chapter looks at how reciprocal preferences influence coalition size in international environmental agreements. Reciprocal preferences represent how a decision maker gains an additional positive utility when it responds to a kind action with a kind action or to an unkind action with an unkind action. I incorporate reciprocal preferences in a two-stage game that predicts the decision of each government to participate in an agreement that decreases pollutant emissions. The main result shows that bigger coalition forms than the standard preference does not include reciprocal preferences. Reciprocal governments that participate in the treaty (signatories) suffer from unkindness based on pollution by non-signatories so that the threat to retaliate by polluting becomes credible. Then, free-rider governments (non-signatories) on the margin surrender to the implicit threat and participate in the treaty. Furthermore, including reciprocity reverses the usual result that there is an inverse relationship between the marginal benefit and coalition size. In other words, the size of coalition increases with the marginal benefit of abatement in an equilibrium when the reciprocal sensitivity is sufficiently high. Signatories are more likely to retaliate against non-signatories because the benefit to non-signatories of refraining from decreasing emissions aggravates the unkindness to signatories.

This dissertation is a comparative international study of attitudes towards climate change. Using multilevel models, individual level data from the 2005-2008 wave of the World Values Survey, and country level data from the 2010 Climate Risk Index and the World Bank, this research identifies the factors associated with concern for global warming and support for various environmental policies and behaviors in economically developed, transitioning, and developing countries. The first paper addresses an ongoing debate in environmental sociology about the extent to which concern for environmental problems is a result of the objective deterioration of environmental conditions or subjective values among environmentally-oriented individuals. Findings indicate that a country's recent experience with climate-related environmental disasters has little to no effect on concern for global warming. Some support is found for the subjective values explanation, especially in countries at the most advanced stage of economic development. The second paper frames climate change as an asymmetrical social dilemma and tests whether four distinct citizenship identities are associated with the odds an individual considers global warming a very serious problem. This study finds that identifying as world citizens and autonomous individuals increases the odds an individual judges global warming very serious, while identifying as national citizens or local community members has no relationship with evaluations of global warming. The third paper examines the impact of numerous measures of security/vulnerability on individual willingness to make environment-economy trade-offs. The data reveal that higher household incomes, residing in a country with higher per capita GDP, and higher rates of adult literacy are positively associated with prioritizing environmental protection over economic growth. However, residents of economically developing countries (or countries designated Non-Annex I by the Kyoto Protocol) are also much more likely to express willingness to donate personal income for the protection of the environment compared to residents of developed (Annex I) countries. The findings from these three studies have implications for sociological research on the relationship between economic inequality and environmental attitudes, the conditions under which international cooperation on climate is more or less likely, and the quest for climate justice.

The problem with unequal distribution of land ownership, in developing countries, has been debated in numerous papers. It is important to solve this problem and one of the major contributions in finding a solution is the implementation of a land reform. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the outcome of two different approaches to land reform, i.e. coercive and market based, and to find out how successful they are in reducing the concentration of land ownership in a sustainable direction. The conclusion of this paper is that neither of the approaches alone is successful in this task, the strength lies instead in a combination of the coercive and market based approach.

Darbo tikslas – atskleisti jaunimo (iki 29 metų amžiaus) poreikius, siekiant integruotis į darbo rinką bei atskleisti kliūtis, trukdančias jų užimtumui. Darbo uždaviniai: išnagrinėti socialinio teisingumą; pateikti socialinės nelygybės sampratos teorinę interpretaciją; išanalizuoti jaunimo galimybes į socialinį teisingumą integruojantis į darbo rinką; atlikti sociologinį tyrimą, leidžiantį išsiaiškinti atskleisti jaunimo (iki 29 metų amžiaus) poreikius, siekiant integruotis į darbo rinką bei atskleisti kliūtis, trukdančias jų užimtumui. Tyrimo dalykas: jaunimo požiūris į nelygybę ir socialinį teisingumą integruojantis į darbo rinką. Darbo metodai: mokslinės, statistinės, publicistinės literatūros analizė; kokybinis tyrimas (interviu): dvi informantų grupės: 5 – studentai (akademinis jaunimas) ir 5 darbdaviai (įmonės vadovai). Tyrimu nustatyta, kad pagrindiniai reikalavimai, kuriuos darbdaviai kelia jauniems specialistams yra kvalifikacija, išsilavinimas bei pareigingumas. Darbuotojo, atitinkančio darbo keliamus reikalavimus, pasirinkimas yra svarbi sėkmingo darbo prielaida. Svarbu ir tai, kad naujai priimtas tinkamas žmogus dirbtų pakankamai ilgai. Darbuotojų keitimas įmonei gana brangiai kainuoja. Naujas darbuotojas pasiekia reikiamą darbo našumą, praeina maždaug metai, o kol pasiekia meistriškumą – gerokai ilgiau. Pažymėtina, kad jaunimas stodamas į aukštąsias mokyklas nepasveria, ar pasirinkta specialybė bus paklausi. Dažnas jaunas žmogus, įgijęs išsilavinimą universitete... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of the Master‘s thesis is to disclose the needs of young people (up to their late-twenties) seeking integration into the labour market as well as to reveal the obstacles hindering them from being employed.The objectives – to analyse the issue of social justice; to present a theoretical interpretation of the concept of social inequality; to look into young people‘s opportunities for social justice in terms of integration into the labour market; to carry out a sociological survey which enables to clarify and reveal the needs of the youth (up to their late-twenties) in order to integrate themselves into the labour market and, in addition to this, to investigate the obstacles interfering with the process of employment of young people.The subject of research: the attitude of young people towards inequality and social justice while integrating themselves into the labour market. Methods of the Master‘s thesis: the analysis of academic and statistical literature as well as publications of social and political journalism; qualitative research (interviews); two groups of informants: five students (academic youth) and five employers (company executives). The research has established that the main requirements posed by employers for young specialists include qualifications, education and a sense of duty.The choice of an employee meeting the job requirements is an important prerequisite for successful work performance. It is also vital that a... [to full text]

Situated within Toronto's expanding and increasingly segregated educational marketplace, this study examines how parents of students at one elite publicly funded specialized arts high school make meaning of their school choice decision. Utilizing a Neo-Marxist framework, I explore the role that material and symbolic resources play in making this school choice both available and exclusive. I conduct a critical discourse analysis of parent narratives to expose how they mobilize dominant discourses of the arts in order to produce the school as a good choice, and themselves as good parents. This research challenges dominant conceptions of the arts in education by showing how the arts are used to reinforce, obscure, and justify existing social hierarchies in school settings and society at large. This study further serves as an example of how arts education research can move beyond positivist conceptions of the arts.

The racial wealth gap is a deeply inexorable indicator of inequality. Today the average family of color holds only six cents of wealth for every dollar owned by whites. What accounts for such stubborn inequality in an era lauded as racially progressive? Intergenerational family links suggest a major linchpin. In this dissertation I work toward a race critical theory of social reproduction, drawing on 156 family histories of intergenerational wealth transfer. These data were categorically coded for instances of wealth and capital acquisition and transfer, as well as qualitatively analyzed for thematic patterns using the extended case method. My analysis targets specific social mechanisms that differentially promote the transmission of wealth and other forms of capital (e.g., social networks, educational credentials) across racial groups over time. I isolate racial patterns in the mobility trajectories of families through an original construct, inheritance pathways – instances involving the transfer and/or interconvertiblity of wealth/capital between two or more generations. Among my sample, inheritance pathways were regularly traceable from ancestors living during legal slavery and segregation. My analysis reveals that the wealth and capital acquired by white families regularly works in interlocking, supportive ways to “pave” pathways of protected, intergenerational mobility over time. In contrast, though families of color evidence many efforts to build upwardly mobile pathways, they are frequently divested of their capital through both explicitly and subtly racist means. Moreover, the value of their capital is often diminished, making it less useful in launching and sustaining mobility pathways. My analysis hones in on the recursive relationship between micro level family actions and the racial state, which is regularly implicated in these processes. I draw on these data to additionally expand the concept racial capital – a type of “currency” that intersects with other forms of capital for individuals, families and groups. Collectively, the inheritance pathways of families suggest that whiteness often intervenes to (1) “unlock” forms of capital for some individuals/families/groups; and, (2) enhance the value of other forms of capital. Ultimately I argue that inheritance pathways and racial capital serve as primary means for reproducing conditions and meanings that sustain systemic racism over time.

Abstract Background: Many studies have demonstrated that health is a function of relative and not absolute income within populations. Canadian studies are not conclusive. There is a need for further investigation of the ‘relative income’ hypothesis in the Canadian population. Objectives: The primary objective of this research was to test the “relative income” hypothesis across Canadian health regions. The second objective was to extend the first hypothesis to consider rural versus urban populations in Canada. Methods: This research involved ecological analyses. The source of the data was the Canadian Community Health Survey, CCHS 2005 cycle 3.1. The units of analysis were health regions of Canada. Health of a region was estimated as the percentage of people who rated their health as good or excellent. The primary exposure variable was the ratio of people whose personal income was less than $15,000 relative to those reporting more than $80,000. Correlation analyses and multiple linear regressions were performed to ascertain the relationship between income inequality and health status in populations, adjusting for important covariates. Results: The measure of relative income inequality alone appeared to explain 18 per cent of the variability in the measure of health status in populations. However, after adding the measure of absolute income to the model, although 29 per cent of the variability was explained, the independent contribution of the inequality measure became non-significant. Linear regression models suggested that the absolute income variable alone could explain 30 per cent of the variance in the health status of populations. Other variables with a statistically significant contribution to the final multiple regression model were education and alcohol consumption. Rural/urban status did not change the individual relationship between relative income inequality or absolute income and the measure of health status in populations. Conclusion: Across Canadian health regions, health status in populations was a function of absolute income but not relative income. Regions with higher levels of education had better levels of self-rated health. A larger percentage of heavy drinkers was also correlated with lower population health status. The study findings have implications for public health, economic policies, and social policies. / Thesis (Master, Community Health & Epidemiology) -- Queen's University, 2008-09-17 15:32:27.341

<p>The study focuses on primary and secondary education rather than tertiary education as primary schools enrol the largest number of Rwandan students and absorb the major share of public spending on education.</p>

Written as three publishable papers, this dissertation examines the sources of several forms of social capital in Singapore, and the effects of social capital on occupational success. Using representative survey data from Singapore, these papers make several important theoretical contributions: The first paper examines how and why categorical forms of stratification such as gender and ethnicity tend to produce distinctive forms of network inequalities: for example, whereas Chinese (relative to Malays and Indians) tend to have greater access to well-educated, wealthy, Chinese and weak tie social capital (but not non-kin), men (relative to women) tend to have greater access to men, non-kin and weak ties (but not well-educated, wealthy and Chinese). The key to understanding such distinctive patterns of network inequalities (by gender and ethnicity) is to understand the distinctive ways in which gender and ethnic groups are distributed in routine organizations such as schools, paid work and voluntary associations. The second paper examines the significance of personal contacts in job searches, in the context of Singapore’s meritocratic system. I show that in certain sectors such as the state bureaucracy, social networking brings no distinct advantages as appointments are made exclusively on the basis of the credentials of the candidates. Thus, personal contacts are not always useful, especially in labour markets that rely heavily on the signalling role of academic credentials to match people to jobs. In contrast, personal contacts are more useful among less qualified job searches in the private sector. The third paper shows that while job contacts (i.e. ‘mobilized’ social capital) may not always pay off in meritocratic labour markets, ‘accessed’ social capital remains extremely important. The leveraging power of social capital in meritocratic markets is not the active mobilization of job contacts per se, but more subtly, the result of embedded social resources such as knowing many university graduates and wealthy people. Together, these papers illustrate how socio-structural factors such as meritocracy, gender and racialization form important predictors of the distribution, role and value of social capital in everyday life and labour markets.

Written as three publishable papers, this dissertation examines the sources of several forms of social capital in Singapore, and the effects of social capital on occupational success. Using representative survey data from Singapore, these papers make several important theoretical contributions: The first paper examines how and why categorical forms of stratification such as gender and ethnicity tend to produce distinctive forms of network inequalities: for example, whereas Chinese (relative to Malays and Indians) tend to have greater access to well-educated, wealthy, Chinese and weak tie social capital (but not non-kin), men (relative to women) tend to have greater access to men, non-kin and weak ties (but not well-educated, wealthy and Chinese). The key to understanding such distinctive patterns of network inequalities (by gender and ethnicity) is to understand the distinctive ways in which gender and ethnic groups are distributed in routine organizations such as schools, paid work and voluntary associations. The second paper examines the significance of personal contacts in job searches, in the context of Singapore’s meritocratic system. I show that in certain sectors such as the state bureaucracy, social networking brings no distinct advantages as appointments are made exclusively on the basis of the credentials of the candidates. Thus, personal contacts are not always useful, especially in labour markets that rely heavily on the signalling role of academic credentials to match people to jobs. In contrast, personal contacts are more useful among less qualified job searches in the private sector. The third paper shows that while job contacts (i.e. ‘mobilized’ social capital) may not always pay off in meritocratic labour markets, ‘accessed’ social capital remains extremely important. The leveraging power of social capital in meritocratic markets is not the active mobilization of job contacts per se, but more subtly, the result of embedded social resources such as knowing many university graduates and wealthy people. Together, these papers illustrate how socio-structural factors such as meritocracy, gender and racialization form important predictors of the distribution, role and value of social capital in everyday life and labour markets.