Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / Sexual violence leaves the victims psychologically traumatised and stigmatised in the eyes of its community. Used on a large scale, sexual violence can destabilise a society as a whole and when used during armed conflicts, it serves as a powerful weapon against members of a community. During armed conflicts, sexual violence is widespread and systematically used as a tool of war and this makes sexual violence amount to crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. This research paper critically analyses and evaluates sexual violence as an international crime, as well as its prosecution under international criminal law mainly by the International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC), International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (hereafter ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (hereafter ICTR). It discusses the problem of selectivity that can be observed in prosecuting sexual violence that has in fact, left many victims of sexual violence dissatisfied. By doing so, it analyses the law as it is to determine whether the law applied during sexual violence prosecutions is sufficient. The paper also states recommendations that can contribute to the effective prosecution of sexual crimes under international criminal law. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / Sitting head of state immunity for crimes under international law has been a very controversial issue in recent times. On the one hand, the debate bears that personal immunity has been renounced for crimes under international law. On the other hand, the advocates of personal immunity claim that the principle of immunity is still persisting under customary International law. Although the International Criminal Court (ICC) is a treaty based court, it is able to extend its jurisdiction to non-state parties to the Rome Statute through a referral by the United Nations Security Council. Lacking its own enforcement body the ICC relies on the cooperation of other states for arrest and surrender of those it indicts. The extension of the court's jurisdiction to non-state parties, such as the case of Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir, has led to the reluctance of state parties to the Rome Statue to effect arrest and surrender citing a 'dilemma between two conflicting obligations'. This paper analyses the legal status of personal immunity before different fora such as International tribunals, foreign domestic courts and under customary international law. It also critically examines the legal basis for the alleged conflicting obligations of state parties. The paper at the end concludes that there is no conflicting obligation for states parties to fully co-operate with the ICC and the lack of co-operation in the arrest and surrender of a sitting head of state is inconsistent with international law particularly with United Nation Charter and the Rome Statute. / German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD)

This dissertation seeks to explore the principle of complementarity, its advantages and its success so far through the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) self-referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC). It seeks also to investigate whether there are loopholes in the principle of complementarity, especially with regard to referrals by the Security Council involving states that are not parties to the Rome Statute. In particular the dissertation seeks to explore whether states can use this principle to hamper the efforts of the ICC to bring justice to victims of the most serious crimes of international concern and to end impunity / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Raymond Koen of the Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

[pt] O Tribunal Penal Internacional, apesar de ser um órgão essencial e indispensável para a aplicação de justiça no sistema internacional aos perpetradores dos crimes mais vis como o genocídio, crimes de guerra e crimes contra a humanidade, encontra-se em plena crise devido ao seu baixo poder de enforcement. Especialistas da área atribuem como origem do problema cinco principais questões: a) a ausência de previsão legal de aplicação de sanções para o descumprimento da obrigação de cooperar dos Estados-parte; b) por não possuir sua própria polícia; c) por ser visto como pouco democrático e intervencionista; d) por não ter como Estadoparte três dos cinco membros do Conselho de Segurança e também a ausência de nações de suma importância e, como derradeiro, e) ao ser boicotado por diversas nações e organizações por ser considerado anti-africano. O presente relatório levará em conta a última opção e trará como estudo de caso a expedição de dois mandados de prisão contra o então presidente do Sudão, Omar al Bashir, e a sua desenvoltura ao circular por diversos países. Para lidar com a presente situação a proposta é o desenvolvimento de uma campanha de advocacy com o objetivo de alçar o órgão à sua devida importância ao demonstrar o seu trabalho, funcionamento, resultados obtidos e principalmente ao esclarecer que a sua finalidade não é a persecução de quaisquer indivíduos, mas sim a de perpetradores de extrema violência contra a humanidade. Essa técnica utilizando redes transacionais envolvendo diversos atores já foi utilizada inúmeras vezes de forma exitosa por organizações de Direitos Humanos. Ao conscientizar toda a comunidade internacional demonstrando a devida importância da Corte, que se baseia na Declaração Universal de Direitos Humanos e na Convenção de Genebra, os indivíduos e organizações exigiriam um maior comprometimento de suas nações para com ela, aumentando, assim, o seu poder de enforcement. Não se pode continuar inerte diante tanto sofrimento, sangue e morte. / [en] The International Criminal Court, despite being an essential and indispensable body for the application of justice in the international system to the perpetrators of the most serious crimes such as genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity faces a big crisis due to its low enforcement power. Specialists in the area attribute five main issues to the problem: a) the lack of legal provision for the application of sanctions for non-compliance with the obligation of States Parties to cooperate; b) for not having its own police; c) being seen as undemocratic and interventionist; (d) because of the absence of three of the five Security Council members as its State Party and, lastly, (e) by being boycotted by various nations and organizations because it is considered to be anti-African. This report will take into account the latter option and will include as a case study the issuance of two arrest warrants against the then President of Sudan, Omar al Bashir, and his freedom when circulating in a number of countries. In order to deal with the present situation, the proposal is to develop an advocacy campaign with the aim of raising the body to its due importance by demonstrating its work, operation, results obtained and especially by clarifying that its purpose is not the pursuit of individuals, but rather perpetrators of extreme violence against humanity. This technique using transactional networks involving several actors has been used countless times in a successful way by human rights organizations. By making the entire international community aware of the importance of the Court, which is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Geneva Convention, individuals and organizations would demand a greater commitment from their nations to it, thereby increasing their power of enforcement. We cannot remain inert before so much suffering, blood and death.

La Cour pénale internationale a été créée dans un but à la fois de répression et de réparation. Ces deux objectifs continuent de se concrétiser et sont clairement devenus indissociables de toute définition qu’on pourrait donner à la CPI. Cependant, si une égalité apparente pourrait exister entre ces deux objectifs, l’effectivité de la réparation s’est montrée, à bien des égards, dépendante de l’effectivité de la répression. La décision du 1er juillet 2016 rendue dans l’affaire Ruto et Sang a confirmé et renforcer cette dépendance. Malheureusement, les victimes sont celles qui paient le plus de frais de cette réalité. Il devient donc urgent pour la CPI de régler cette situation, ne serait-ce que pour offrir plus d’espoir aux victimes. Le salut pourrait venir d’une remise en cause des principes régissant les procédures devant la Cour. Sans rien inventer, la CPI pourrait grandement s’inspirer de certaines pratiques étatiques. D’abord, il pourrait être envisagé de dissocier et de rendre autonomes les procédures qui visent la condamnation pénale et celles qui visent la réparation, de sorte à rendre l’absence de condamnation pénale inopportune pour la détermination de la responsabilité civile de l’accusé. De plus, il pourrait être envisagé des alternatives lorsqu’il n’y a pas de civilement responsable, de sorte à offrir une reconnaissance juridique aux victimes et à leur donner une ordonnance de réparation. En ce sens, la CPI gagnerait peut-être à aller au-delà de la responsabilité individuelle. Enfin, les États devraient être mis un peu plus à contribution en renforçant leurs obligations respectives à l’égard des victimes. / The International Criminal Court was created for the purpose of both repression and reparation. These two objectives continue to materialize and have clearly become inseparable from any definition of the ICC. However, if an apparent equality could exist between them, the effectiveness of reparation has been shown, in many aspects, to be dependent on the effectiveness of repression. The July 1st, 2016 decision in the Ruto and Sang case confirmed and reinforced this dependence. Unfortunately, the victims are the ones who bear the brunt of this reality. It is therefore becoming urgent for the ICC to resolve this situation to offer more hope to victims. This could come from questioning the principles governing procedures before the Court. Without inventing anything, the ICC could greatly draw inspiration from certain State practices. First, consideration could be given to dissociating and making independent the procedures aimed at criminal conviction and those aimed at reparation, so as to make the absence of criminal conviction inappropriate for the determination of the civil liability of the accused. In addition, it could be considered other alternatives when there is no civil liability, such as offering legal recognition to victims by giving them a reparation order. In this sense, the ICC might benefit from going beyond individual responsibility. Finally, States should be made a little more involved by strengthening their respective obligations towards victims.

This study involves a critical appraisal of the legal implications of South Africa’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the context of its international and regional human rights obligations. The dissertation also investigates the history and formation of the ICC, South Africa’s involvement and its role as a guardian of international and regional human rights obligations in Africa. The study reviews the circumstances leading to South Africa’s notice of withdrawal from the ICC, including the legal implications and international human rights obligations. This inquiry considers South Africa’s proposed withdrawal from the ICC which is supported by points of departure and a comprehensive literature review. The decision to withdraw from the ICC is considered to be a political one. However, this study raises questions about the executive’s withdrawal in regard to its domestic, regional and international human rights obligations, irrespective of whether it is a member of the ICC. The study surveys the background to South Africa’s participation in the ICC, its membership of the African Union and the implications of ICC membership including the obligations imposed on member states. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) will come into operation after the 60th ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court of 1998. The ICC will have jurisdiction over the most serious international crimes, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. The focus of this thesis is the difficulties surrounding the admissibility of a case before the ICC. There are basically two legs to this analysis: jurisdiction and complementarity .. Jurisdiction of the ICC is analysed in historical and theoretical context. This comprises an overview of the international tribunals since the First World War, and more specifically their impact on the development of jurisdiction in international criminal law. Secondly, the thesis is examining the jurisdiction of the ICC in terms of the specific provisions of the Rome Statute. This analysis comprises a detailed analysis of all the provisions of the Rome Statute that have an impact on the exercise of the ICC's jurisdiction. The relationship between the ICC and national courts is a difficult relationship based on a compromise at the Rome Conference in 1998. The principle underlying this relationship is known as "complementarity". This : means that the ICC will only exercise its jurisdiction if a national court is "unwilling" or "unable" to exercise its jurisdiction. A detailed analysis of the different provisions of the Rome Statute, as well as some references to other international tribunals, serve to analyse the impact of complementarity on the eventual ambit of the ICC's jurisdiction. In conclusion, some suggestions regarding the admissibility of cases and the difficult relationship between the ICC and national courts are made. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die permanente Internasionale Strafhof (ISH) sal met sy werksaamhede begin na die 60ste ratifikasie van die Statuut van Rome van 1998. Die ISH sal jurisdiksie uitoefen oor die ernstigste internasionale misdade, tewete oorlogsmisdade, volksmoord en misdade teen die mensdom. Hierdie tesis fokus op die probleme rondom die toelaatbaarheid van 'n saak voor die ISH. Hierdie ontleding het basies twee bene: jurisdiksie en komplementariteit. Die jurisdiksie van die ISH word in historiese en teoretiese konteks ontleed. Dit behels 'n oorsig van die internasionale tribunale sedert die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, en meer spesifiek die impak wat hierdie tribunale op die ontwikkeling van jurisdiksie in die internasionale strafreg gehad het. In die tweede plek word jurisdiksie ontleed aan die hand van die spesifieke bepalings van die Statuut van Rome. Hierdie ontleding behels 'n gedetaileerde ontleding van al die bepalings van die Statuut van Rome wat 'n impak het op die uitoefening van die ISH se jurisdiksie. Die verhouding tussen die ISH en nasionale howe is 'n komplekse verhouding, gebaseer op 'n kompromie wat by die Rome Konferensie van 1998 aangegaan is. Die beginselonderliggend aan hierdie verhouding staan bekend as "komplementariteit". Dit beteken dat die ISH slegs sy jurisdiksie sal uitoefen indien 'n nasionale hof "onwillig" of "nie in staat is" om jurisdiksie uit te oefen nie. 'n Gedetaileerde ontleding van die verskillende bepalings van die Statuut van Rome, sowel as verwysings na ander internasionale tribunale, dien om die impak van komplementariteit op die omvang van die ISH se jurisdiksie, te ontleed. Ten slotte word sekere voorstelle aangaande die toelaatbaarheid van sake en die verhouding tussen die ISH en nasionale howe gemaak.

Le mémoire vise à déterminer quelle contribution la justice internationale peut apporter à la résolution des conflits et au maintien de la paix et plus précisément si les pouvoirs octroyés au Procureur de la Cour pénale internationale, dans le cadre du Statut de Rome, lui donnent la capacité d’influencer les conflits en cours. Le premier chapitre décrit l’historique des événements ayant mené à l’adoption du Statut de Rome en 1998 et permet d’expliquer l’évolution de la notion d’une justice post-conflictuelle à une justice pouvant favoriser la paix. Le débat théorique paix-justice est ensuite analysé afin de démontrer que le Procureur de la Cour pénale internationale peut exercer une certaine influence sur les conflits lorsqu’il possède un pouvoir discrétionnaire important. Le second chapitre examine les prérogatives octroyées au Procureur dans le cadre du statut de Rome et comment elles s’appliquent durant les différentes étapes de procédure menant à la délivrance d’un mandat d’arrêt. Il est démontré que le pouvoir discrétionnaire du Procureur est limité par le régime de complémentarité et par des enjeux de coopération avec les États Parties. Par conséquent, cela nuit à sa capacité d’influencer la résolution des conflits. Le troisième chapitre analyse deux situations en cours à la Cour pénale internationale, soit celle de l’Ouganda et celle du Darfour, afin de vérifier si le Procureur a réellement un impact sur les conflits en cours. Il est avancé que dans le cadre actuel du Statut de Rome, le Procureur est dépendant de la coopération des États Parties pour influencer la résolution des conflits. / The thesis aims to determine how international justice can contribute to peace-building and ending conflicts and more specifically whether the powers given to the International Criminal Court Prosecutor, in the Rome Statute, enable him to take action on ongoing conflicts. The first chapter describes the events that led to the adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998 and explains the evolution from a post-conflict justice to a justice for peace. The Peace and Justice debate is further analysed as to demonstrate that the International Criminal Court Prosecutor may have an impact on ongoing conflicts if granted with prosecutorial discretion. The second chapter looks into prosecutorial discretion in the Rome Statute and how it is implemented during the main steps of the process leading to an arrest warrant. It is demonstrated that prosecutorial discretion is limited by complementarity and cooperation issues between State Parties. Therefore it restricts the Prosecutor’s ability to ending conflicts. The third chapter analyses two ongoing situations at the International Criminal Court that is Uganda and Darfur, as to verify if the Prosecutor can have an effect on ongoing conflicts. It is concluded that in the current Rome Statute, the Prosecutor is dependent on State Parties cooperation to influencing conflict resolution.