What is Chinese behaviour like in the International Labour Organization (ILO) - is China a Status Quo or a Revisionist Actor? Despite the prominence of the issue of China's rise in international relations studies, little research has been published on China's behaviour in international organizations in other realms than the economic. This thesis, therefore, seeks the answer to the posed question. Chinese statements are examined concerning forced and child labour, as well as other distinct themes, their structure and a potential underlying strategy. The findings are retrieved from an analysis of Chinese statements in sittings of ILO organs and checked against information provided in ILO reports to detect discrepancies. A major finding is that the overall behaviour of China in the ILO can categorized as reform-minded status quo, even though there are some factors which could be interpreted as revisionist tendencies. Due to this categorization, a continued peaceful rise of China is considered to be possible.

This project examines the relationship between the international system and the lived experience of peoples. This dissertation is aimed at understanding the ways in which recognition at the international level can shape not only the way people choose to behave, but also the way they conceive of their own identities. It introduces theorizing on the concepts of identity, habitus, and hysteresis to the field of international relations (IR) in an attempt to better understand often overlooked conflicts created by the international state system. In doing so, it includes an exploration of the role that recognition plays in creating idealized identities for everyone in the state system and the resulting conflicts that arise when individuals possess group identities that do not align with the state-based identities that the international system and its structures are premised upon. Through a return to studying the first image in the IR literature I explore the ways in which varying forms of recognition in international institutions (states, collections of law, and IO positions, agreements, and membership rules) impact the way different groups of people view themselves within the larger global order, and how that in turn alters the way they behave politically over time. I argue that misrecognition of the identities of individuals and collectives of individuals by international institutions and actors threatens their habitus, potentially resulting in shifts in their political behavior dependent upon the cohesion of the collective’s sense of self and the support they have from other members of the international community. / Political Science

No / This paper examines the concept of global public goods (GPGs) and in that context explores the extent of aid (ODA) presently being diverted to GPG provision and whether such diversion skews aid-flows towards some recipients. These are examined on the basis of OECD data for the late 1990s. The main argument of this paper is that ODA should not be used for financing GPG provision by developing countries. Instead, it is suggested that other sources of financing the provision of GPGs should be developed keeping in view the various technologies by which the GPGs can be produced and design principles for supra-national institutions. Various arguments from Sandler, Barrett and Kanbur are considered. In particular, Kanbur's suggestion of two tensions involving the principles of economies of scale, subsidiarity, economies of scope and specialisation, is explored further.

This diploma thesis deals with the compensation of victims in the peace operations of international organizations. The issue of compensation to victims in the context of peace operations of international organizations is very complex, because i tis closely connected with many other issues, such as the subjectivity of international organizations, their responsibility or immunity, and it is also closely related to international humanitarian law. It is also a very actual issue, as peace operations are a phenomenon occurring quite often and it can be assumed that they will still be needed in view of the various conflicts that are taking place today. In thesis I deal with the subjectivity of international organizations and their responsibility. The main part consists of chapters dedicated to assessing third-party claims in peace operations and the characteristics of the individual's process options of the victims. The aim of this thesis is primarily to analyze the compensation of victims in peacekeeping operations from a theoretical and practical point of view and to point out some specific problems related to the subject, as well as to conclude whether the current regulation allows victims to exercise their rights adequately. In the first chapter I deal with the subjectivity of international...

Cooperation in international organizations is to a large degree driven and sustained by socialization – the process of inducting actors into the norms and rules of a given community. In the context of international organizations, the most influential state agents are the permanent representatives, the member states’ ambassadors to an international organization. However, systematic studies on the conditions for the socialization of permanent representatives are conspicuously absent in the literature. Instead, most previous research has focused on the conditions for socialization of “high-level officials” in the European Commission. This quite narrow perspective has led to a “N=1” problem and the generalizability of these studies have suffered as a result. In this thesis, I have aimed to broaden this perspective by testing six hypotheses on the conditions for socialization within two committees of permanent representatives in two different international organizations, the PSC (EU) and the NAC (NATO). This has been done by conducting elite interviews with 21 permanent representatives and deputies in Brussels. In contrast to previous research, the results of this thesis suggest that four of the six tested hypotheses should be disregarded, while two hypotheses – the representative’s relation to its MFA and the ambiguity of the international organization’s norms– should be given more theoretical consideration in future research. In addition, the interviews have shown that the degree of “internalization”, which can be understood as the goal and outcome of socialization, is stronger in the NAC than in the PSC. This outcome also contests the conventional wisdom that the EU is a sui generis case of socialization. On the basis of these results, I argue that the socialization of permanent representatives in international organizations is likely to occur if the organization’s norms have unambiguous, existential and materialistic consequences.

This research seeks to explore the behavior of international and regional organizations within conflict management. Previous research on conflict management primarily examines UN peacekeeping as the primary actor and lumps all non-UN actors into a single category. I disaggregate this category, examining how international and regional organizations interact when deciding to establish a peace mission, coordinate a peace mission with multiple organizations, and finally, how this interaction affects the success of peace missions. I propose a collective action theoretical framework in which organizations would rather another actor undertake the burden and costs of implementing a peace mission. I find the United Nations is motivated to overcome the collective action problem through an increase in the severity of the conflict. Regional organizations are motivated to establish a peace mission as the economic and political salience of the conflict increases, increasing the possibility of the regional organization acquiring club goods for its member states. The presence of a regional hegemon within a regional organization also significantly increases the likelihood of an organization both establishing a peace mission and taking on the primary role when coordinating a joint mission. I argue this is because a regional hegemon allows the organization to more easily overcome the collective action problem between its own member states due to the presence of a privileged actor.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-08-18T18:25:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ADELITE PEIXOTO SILVA E CUNHA.pdf: 992853 bytes, checksum: 53d3fb1b9884b13e0eab41a913f2a052 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:25:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ADELITE PEIXOTO SILVA E CUNHA.pdf: 992853 bytes, checksum: 53d3fb1b9884b13e0eab41a913f2a052 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-01 / This research aims to study the influences of the constitutional text and the following international organizations: World Bank (WB), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) e Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLA), in the development of basic education in Brazil in the period of 1988 through 2011. It handles the study of the results obtained in the basic education sector after the enactment of the 1988 Constitution and the reflections coming from the influences received from supranational bodies. The study is made in a historical context that involves the resumption of democratic freedoms wrapped in influences of neoliberalism in the world. Education as a social right, toward the formation of the subject and education designed to capacitate for the job market are conflicting points when studying the reflections of the projections that international organizations make for Brazil. Basic education, a constitutionally recognized social right, has not reached the expected level of democratization of educational quality, walks, often under the guidance of supranational organizations. There is an urgent need to build a true system of education in Brazil, the difficulty is the lack of theoretical knowledge of Brazilian educators. There have been significant advances in the indicators used to assess the progress made in the educational sector, however, the results have not achieved the excellence that is desired. The coexistence of public and private school raises criticism about the public policies adopted by Brazil in the educational sector. Education has substantial importance for the maintenance of the supremacy of the State, therefore, can’t be conducted according to the projects that look after the interests of supranational organizations. It is essential the care of the actual interests of the Brazilian nation. The almost universalization of elementary education did not represent an improvement in quality, although the projected goals have made progress, there was no significant progress. The results achieved in basic education in Brazil, counted with the participation of the public sector, with funding and collaboration of the international organizations under study and the society, yielding results that indicate, though in timid manner, progress in the educational sector. / Esta pesquisa tem o propósito de verificar as influências do texto constitucional e das seguintes organizações internacionais: Banco Mundial (BM), Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e a Cultura (UNESCO), Fundo das Nações Unidas para a Infância (UNICEF) e da Comissão Econômica para a América Latina e o Caribe (CEPAL) no processo de desenvolvimento da educação básica no Brasil, no período compreendido entre 1988 e 2011. Este estudo, de natureza teórico-documental, cuida do estudo dos resultados obtidos no setor da educação básica após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 e dos reflexos oriundos das influências recebidas dos organismos supranacionais. O estudo se dá em um contexto histórico que envolve a retomada das liberdades democráticas envolto em influências do neoliberalismo no mundo. A educação como um direito social, voltada para a formação do sujeito, e a educação destinada a capacitar para o mercado são pontos conflitantes quando do estudo dos reflexos das projeções que as organizações internacionais fazem para o Brasil. A educação básica, direito social reconhecido constitucionalmente, não alcançou a esperada democratização do ensino de qualidade e caminha, muitas vezes, sob a orientação de organizações supranacionais. É premente a necessidade de construção de um verdadeiro sistema de educação para o Brasil. A dificuldade encontrada está na insuficiência teórica dos educadores brasileiros. Houve avanços significativos nos indicadores utilizados para averiguar os progressos obtidos no setor educacional, no entanto, os resultados não alcançaram a excelência que se objetiva. A coexistência entre a escola pública e a privada suscita críticas acerca das políticas públicas adotadas pelo Brasil no setor educacional. A educação tem importância substancial para a manutenção da supremacia do Estado, portanto, não pode ser conduzida segundo os projetos que cuidam dos interesses de organizações supranacionais. Indispensável o atendimento dos efetivos interesses da nação brasileira. A quase universalização do ensino fundamental não representou melhora na qualidade. E, embora as metas projetadas tenham apresentado avanço, não houve progressos significativos. Os resultados alcançados na educação básica do Brasil contaram com a participação do setor público, com os financiamentos e colaboração das organizações internacionais em estudo e da sociedade, trazendo resultados que indicam, embora de maneira tímida, progressos no setor educacional.

Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.

This study problematizes the down play of heroic perspectives in the currently rising critical and post-heroic leadership research. It argues that compromising either the critical or the post-heroic perspectives in favour of the other would constrict or mislead our understanding of the social influence of leadership processes. This study calls for maintaining the theoretical uniqueness of both perspectives in order to enhance new understandings and broader knowledge claims. Therefore, the study adopts a reflexive-ethnographic examination of the leader-follower and group dynamics, in an International Human Rights Based Organization. The overall aim is to develop an understanding of how individuals in an International Organization like Global Peace Organization (GPO) cope with the universal scope of their organization and the diversity in their work environment. This aim is fulfilled through examining self-narratives generated by the participants in their day to day interactions. To facilitate the coherence between the two leadership perspectives in this examination, a dialectical dimension is enhanced by extending the emerging tactics of reflexivity and intertextuality to the various stages of research. The critical perspective then reveals a context-driven approach in the self-narratives where participants use their particular worldviews to interpret dilemmas and conflicts originating in their work. Conflicts between participants and their leaders also reflect power interplays based on crafting a sense of we-ness / us in self-Other encounters. However, an added perspective on interpersonal relations suggests the significance of the single factor where the less secure participants tend to mask their resistance with creative impression-management strategies. This eventually transforms their insecurities into more positive attitudes and behaviours which repositions them as informal leaders in their groups.

Les activités menées au sein de l’ONU, ainsi que de son prédécesseur, la Société des Nations, ont jouées un rôle fondamental dans la détermination de la position qu’occupent actuellement les “peuples autochtones” dans le champ politique international. En adoptant une approche constructiviste, l’auteure montre que le comportement des organisations internationales face aux peuples autochtones relève de processus anciens, qui sont désormais codifiés dans les “identités” de ces institutions. Elle explique en suite comment l’interaction entre un tel héritage et des conjonctures historiques et politiques particulières (le système colonial, la décolonisation et le scénario postcolonial contemporain) a généré une “pensée institutionnelle sur les peuples autochtones”, définie comme un ensemble de catégories, de connaissances et de normes que ces organisations associent aux peuples autochtones, et qui déterminent leur relation institutionnelle avec eux. A l’aide des outils méthodologiques et conceptuels propres à l’anthropologie politique et au droit international, l’auteure analyse en perspective historique l’évolution de la “pensée institutionnelle sur les peuples autochtones” au sein de l’UNESCO et de la FAO. Jusqu’aux années quatre-vingt-dix, ces organisations ont établi une relation avec les peuples autochtones qui reproduisait la domination exercée sur eux dans le cadre du système international westphalien. Cette recherche démontre que la relation institutionnelle entre ces agences spécialisées et les peuples autochtones change graduellement, sous l’influence du développement des “questions autochtones” au sein de l’ONU et notamment après l’adoption de la Déclaration des droits des peuples autochtones en 2007. Si les initiatives prises par les deux agences en réponse aux nouveaux contextes ne réfléchissent qu’un premier stade de transformation institutionnelle, elles ouvrent tout de même une fenêtre d’opportunités pour que les peuples autochtones jouent un rôle dans la construction de leur réalité et, par conséquent, dans la concrétisation de leurs aspirations politiques au niveau national et international. / The activities of the United Nations, and its predecessor, the League of Nations, has been fundamental to determining the position which the collectivities recognized today as “indigenous peoples” have occupied in the international political field. Adopting a social constructivist approach, this thesis posits that the behaviour of international organizations vis-à-vis indigenous peoples is rooted in processes which date back centuries and which have been codified in the “identities” of these institutions. This historical baggage has subsequently been remolded in different historical and political contexts (the colonial system, the decolonization era, and the contemporary postcolonial scenario), transforming the set of categories, knowledge, and norms which these organizations have associated with indigenous peoples, and which we refer to as “lo indígena”, into an object which has had distinct meanings and connotations throughout the years.With the assistance of tools borrowed from the disciplines of political anthropology and international law, this thesis analyzes, from a historical perspective, the manner in which UNESCO and FAO have treated “lo indígena”. Until the nineties, these organizations had, in the main, constructed a relation with indigenous peoples which reproduced the domination the State exerted over them in the context of the Westphalian system. The thesis illustrates that today, encouraged by the institutionalization of indigenous issues in the UN, in particular following the adoption of the Declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples in 2007, this relation is gradually changing. The initiatives being implemented by these specialized agencies, in order to satisfy the expectations which this new international context has given rise to, reflect an initial step in institutional transformation. They nevertheless open a window of opportunity for indigenous peoples to have a role in the construction of their own realities and, in doing so, to realize their political aspirations at national and international levels. / El trabajo realizado por la ONU, así como el de su predecesora, la Sociedad de Naciones, ha sido fundamental en la determinación del lugar que las colectividades que hoy día se reconocen como “pueblos indígenas” han ocupado en el campo político internacional. Partiendo de un enfoque constructivista social, consideramos que el comportamiento de las organizaciones internacionales frente a los pueblos indígenas encuentra sus raíces en procesos que remontan a muchos siglos y que se han codificado en sus “identidades”. Ese bagaje ha interactuado con coyunturas históricas y políticas precisas (el sistema colonial, la descolonización y el escenario postcolonial contemporáneo), volviendo lo indígena (un conjunto de categorías, conocimiento y normas que esas organizaciones han asociado a los pueblos indígenas) un objeto que ha tenido significados diferentes a lo largo de los años. Con la ayuda de herramientas de antropología política, así como de derecho internacional, analizamos en perspectiva histórica el tratamiento de lo indígena en la UNESCO y la FAO. Hasta los años noventas, esas organizaciones construyeron una relación con los pueblos indígenas que reproducía la dominación que sobre ellos recayó en el marco del sistema internacional westfaliano. Demostramos que actualmente esa relación cambia de manera gradual, en el marco de la institucionalización de las “cuestiones indígenas” en la ONU y, de modo particular, tras la adopción de la Declaración de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas en 2007. Si las iniciativas de esos organismos especializados para satisfacer las expectativas del nuevo contexto reflejan aún los primeros estadios de una transformación institucional, éstas abren una ventana de oportunidad para que los pueblos indígenas tengan un rol en la construcción de su realidad y, por lo tanto, para que concreticen sus ambiciones políticas, a nivel nacional e internacional.